At first, Hitler appeared to be a failed revolutionary whose political career had ended. He attempted to overthrow the German government by force, failed badly, and was arrested. However, the months that followed changed history. During his imprisonment in Landsberg Prison, Hitler wrote Mein Kampf, a book that explained his beliefs about nationalism, race, propaganda, leadership, and Germany’s future. Although many people ignored the book at first, it later became one of the most influential political writings of the twentieth century.

Who Was Adolf Hitler?

Adolf Hitler was born in Austria in 1889 and served as a soldier during World War I. After the war, he joined a small political group called the German Workers’ Party, which later became the National Socialist German Workers’ Party, also known as the Nazi Party.

Hitler quickly became an incredibly powerful speak. He blamed Germany’s problems on the Treaty of Versailles, communists, democratic politicians, and Jewish people. His speeches were emotional, angry, and dramatic. Many Germans who felt hopeless after the war listened carefully to his promises of national rebirth.

During the early 1920s, Hitler believed Germany was weak enough for a revolution. Inspired by Benito Mussolini’s successful march on Rome in Italy, Hitler hoped he could seize power in Bavaria and eventually take control of Germany.

Germany After World War I

Germany lost the war in 1918, and many Germans blamed the new democratic government for the defeat. The Treaty of Versailles, signed in 1919, forced Germany to pay massive reparations, reduce its military, and give up territory. Many Germans believed the treaty humiliated the country.
The German government during this period was called the Weimar Republic. Although it was democratic, many citizens viewed it as weak and unstable. Political groups on both the left and the right fought in the streets. Communist uprisings frightened conservatives, while nationalist groups claimed the government had betrayed Germany.

Economic problems made conditions even worse. By 1923, hyperinflation destroyed the value of German currency. Prices increased so quickly that ordinary people struggled to buy food. Workers carried wheelbarrows filled with money to stores because paper currency became almost worthless. Families lost life savings in only a few weeks.
These conditions created an environment where extremist political movements could gain support. Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party used fear, anger, and nationalism to attract followers.

The Beer Hall Putsch

On November 8, 1923, Hitler and his supporters entered a large beer hall in Munich where Bavarian leaders were giving speeches. Hitler interrupted the meeting and announced that a revolution had begun. He hoped government officials and military leaders would support his movement.
The next day, Hitler and thousands of supporters marched through Munich. The march ended violently when police confronted the Nazis near the Feldherrnhalle. Shots were fired, several people died, and the coup collapsed.

The Beer Hall Putsch failed completely. Hitler was arrested two days later and charged with treason.
At first glance, the event looked like the end of Hitler’s political career. Instead, it became the beginning of his national fame.

Hitler’s Trial and Public Attention

Hitler’s trial began in February 1924. Rather than being ashamed, Hitler used the courtroom as a political stage, giving long speeches defending his actions and attacking the German government. Newspapers covered the trial closely, and many Germans became familiar with Hitler for the first time. Some citizens viewed him as a dangerous extremist, but others saw him as a passionate nationalist trying to restore German pride.

The court treated Hitler surprisingly lightly. Although he was convicted of treason, he received a sentence of only five years in Landsberg Prison and served less than one year.
This soft punishment reflected how sympathetic some judges and officials were toward nationalist politics during the 1920s.

Writing Mein Kampf

While imprisoned in Landsberg Prison, Hitler began writing Mein Kampf, published in 1925, which translates to “My Struggle.” Rudolf Hess helped organize Hitler’s ideas and prepare the manuscript. The book combined autobiography with political theory. Hitler discussed his childhood, his experiences during World War I, his hatred of communism, his nationalism, and his beliefs about race and power.

Historian R. C. K. Ensor explained that Hitler wrote the first part of the book while in prison “during a period of detention in a fortress to which Hitler was sentenced for his part in the Munich Putsch fiasco of November 1923.”¹ The prison sentence gave Hitler time to reflect on why the putsch had failed. He decided that the Nazi Party should no longer attempt to seize power violently. Instead, the party would gain influence legally through elections, propaganda, and mass political support.

Inside Mein Kampf, Hitler described how he believed propaganda should work on the public. He argued that political movements succeeded when they appealed to emotion instead of complex ideas. Hitler wrote that large groups of people responded more strongly to forceful and repeated messages than careful debate. These ideas later became central to Nazi propaganda during the 1930s.

The book also revealed how Hitler developed his racist and antisemitic beliefs while living in Vienna before World War I. In one section, Hitler described encountering Jewish communities in Vienna and claimed that his views changed over time. These passages later became some of the most infamous sections of the book because they helped shape Nazi racial ideology.

Hitler also focused heavily on nationalism and German identity. He believed Germany’s defeat in World War I had humiliated the country and argued that national unity and obedience were necessary for Germany to become powerful again. Much of the book attacked democracy, compromise, and political opposition. This strategic change became one of the most important results of Hitler’s imprisonment.

The Main Ideas Inside Mein Kampf and Nationalism

Although many people today know the title Mein Kampf, fewer understand what the book actually argued. Hitler presented several major ideas that later became central to Nazi Germany. One major theme was nationalism. Hitler argued that Germany had been humiliated after World War I and needed to become powerful again. He attacked the Treaty of Versailles constantly and promised national rebirth.
Many Germans connected with these ideas because they felt embarrassed by defeat and frustrated by economic hardship.

Racism and Antisemitism

Another major part of the book focused on race. Hitler falsely believed Germans belonged to a superior race and claimed Jewish people threatened Germany’s future. These hateful and false beliefs later became central to Nazi policy.

In Mein Kampf, Hitler wrote extensively about antisemitism and claimed that Jewish influence harmed German society. While living in Vienna, he claimed his opinions changed after observing Jewish communities and reading antisemitic political writings. These sections became extremely important later because they revealed ideas that eventually influenced Nazi racial laws and propaganda.
The racism inside Mein Kampf was not hidden or unclear. Hitler openly described these ideas years before becoming dictator.

Propaganda

Hitler also discussed propaganda in detail. He believed repeated messages could shape public opinion and influence the masses. He understood how newspapers, posters, speeches, and rallies could create emotional reactions.

The article by Ensor explains Hitler’s views by quoting him directly: “The mentality of the people at large is not sensitive to anything hesitant and weak.”² This quote helps explain Hitler’s belief that people respected strength more than compromise.

Leadership and Power

Hitler believed democracy was weak because it depended on debate and compromise. Instead, he argued that Germany needed one powerful leader who could unite the nation completely.
This idea later became known as the Führer principle, where total loyalty to one leader became central to Nazi ideology.

Why Mein Kampf Mattered During the 1920s

At first, many readers ignored Mein Kampf. The book was long, repetitive, and difficult to follow at times. Ensor even described it as “a hotch-potch of the most varied ingredients.”³ Still, the book became important because it clearly explained Hitler’s goals.

Ensor wrote, “Very few great men of action have ever disclosed beforehand so clearly as Adolf Hitler the principles and purposes that guide their acts.”⁴ This observation is important because Hitler openly described many of the ideas he later put into action.

The book mattered during the 1920s because Germany was unstable. Even after hyperinflation slowed down in the middle of the decade, many Germans still feared economic collapse and political violence. Democratic governments changed often, and confidence in the Weimar Republic remained weak. The Nazi Party used this instability to spread its message.

The Great Depression and the Growth of the Nazi Party

During the late 1920s, the Nazi Party was still relatively small compared to other political groups. However, everything changed after the American Great Depression began in 1929. Millions of Germans lost jobs. Businesses closed, banks failed, and poverty spread rapidly throughout Germany in the 1930’s. Once again, many citizens lost faith in democratic leaders.

Hitler and the Nazi Party used this crisis to attract more support. Their propaganda promised jobs, national pride, and strong leadership. The ideas first written in Mein Kampf suddenly reached a much larger audience. What had once seemed like a fringe political movement became a powerful national force.

The Significance

The story of the Beer Hall Putsch and Mein Kampf remains important because it shows how quickly democracy can weaken during times of crisis, similarly to today’s day in age.

Germany during the 1920s faced economic collapse, political violence, and public fear. Hitler used those conditions to spread extremist ideas and gain support.

The event also reminds people that dangerous political movements do not always begin with immediate success. Hitler’s coup failed, and he went to prison. Yet the failure gave him national attention and the opportunity to reshape his strategy.

Today, historians study these events carefully because they demonstrate the dangers of propaganda, political extremism, and public desperation.

Timeline of Events

1918 – Germany loses World War I.
1919 – Treaty of Versailles is signed.
1920 – German Workers’ Party becomes the Nazi Party.
1923 – Hyperinflation crisis spreads across Germany.
November 8–9, 1923 – Beer Hall Putsch takes place in Munich.
November 11, 1923 – Hitler is arrested for treason.
February 1924 – Hitler’s trial begins.
April 1924 – Hitler is sentenced to prison.
1924–1925 – Hitler writes Mein Kampf in Landsberg Prison.
1929 – Great Depression begins and Nazi support increases rapidly.

Map of Key Locations

Munich, Germany – Site of the Beer Hall Putsch.

Feldherrnhalle – Location where police stopped Hitler’s march.

Landsberg Prison – Prison where Hitler wrote Mein Kampf.

Berlin – Capital of the Weimar Republic.

Citations:

Ensor, R. C. K. “‘Mein Kampf’ and Europe.” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1931-1939) 18, no. 4 (1939): 478–96. https://doi.org/10.2307/3019298.

General Research Division, The New York Public Library. “Mein Kampf.” New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 13, 2026. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/192a4b10-c5b8-012f-2fd4-58d385a7bc34

The 1925 Tri-State Tornado outbreak lasted from March 17-18 1925, and it is one of the deadliest tornado outbreaks in recorded history. It was given its name because it traveled across three different states, that being Missouri, Illinois, and Indiana. The distance being 219-mile-long (352 km). The reason why it’s considered to be the deadliest tornado is because at least 751 men, women, and children died and 2,2298 were injured. While we can consider the Tri-State Tornado to be a natural disaster, to fully understand this catastrophic event, we should place it in the broader context of the 1920s. The 1920s was a decade that’s often associated with economic growth, flappers, the jazz era, technological advances, and lots of cultural change. The tornado revealed a lot of strengths and weaknesses of what society was like during the twenties, rapidly modernizing but still very vulnerable to natural disasters. 

The 1920s: A Time of Unpredictability

The 1920s, also known as the “Roaring Twenties,” was a time of significant economic expansion, especially in urban areas. New technologies such as automobiles, radios, and telephones changed the way people lived their everyday lives. Lynn Dumenil, who wrote the book The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s, describes the decade as a time when Americans embraced “speed, efficiency, and innovation” in ways that significantly transformed both work and leisure.¹ However, the progress in some areas was not the same as the progress in other areas. Rural communities, especially in the Midwest and South, often fell behind cities in infrastructure, communication, and access to emergency services. This uneven development is very important when understanding the devastation of the Tri-State Tornado. While cities were becoming more modern, there were a lot of smaller towns that still relied on older systems of communication. Weather forecasting in 1925 was also very limited. The U.S. National Weather Service did not issue tornado warnings at the time, partly because officials feared causing panic. As a result, lots of different towns and communities in the tornado’s path had little to no warning before the storm struck. Additionally, the cultural atmosphere of the 1920s focused more on modernization and human experience rather than nature. Scientific progress and industrial growth gave many Americans confidence that technology could solve most problems. Yet, disasters such as the Tri-State Tornado challenged this belief. As Lynn Dumneil said, modernity created both optimism and anxiety, as Americans confronted forces they could not fully control in the 1920s.² The tornado showed everyone in the midwest that nature is still just as powerful and unpredictable despite the technological advancements we make.

The Tornado and its Path

The Tri-State Tornado began in southeastern Missouri and moved through southern Illinois and into southwestern Indiana. It traveled at speeds estimated to exceed 60 miles per hour. This gave residents absolutely zero time to prepare for the tornado.³ Entire towns were destroyed within minutes, whether or not people were ready. One of the towns that was hit pretty hard by the tornado was Murphysboro, Illinois, where over 200 people were tragically killed. Contemporary newspaper accounts described scenes of total devastation. In the article “The Murphysboro Tornado” by W.O. Blanchard states “The description of the tornado’s approach by eye-witnesses varied with the position of the observer, the time of the observation and his mental state at the time. The rapid approach of such a huge death-dealing phenomenon provides conditions hardly conducive to calm and careful observation.”⁴ Many newspapers and primary accounts highlight the suddenness and intensity of the disaster. Eyewitnesses often struggled to describe what they saw due to how traumatic the event was. Statements from many survivors include: “A tornado is a unique kind of horror, with the ability to conjure up apocalyptic and downright bizarre scenes. Your house might be flattened, whilst your neighbor’s is untouched. The person you’re sitting next to might die, and you live.” and “From the time you realize a tornado is going to hit, you’re living with the absolute certainty that every second might be your last. When the outer bands reach you, you’re in almost complete darkness and your house is being soaked in torrential rain and hammered with debris. And when it strikes with a defining roar, there’s nothing to do but hold on and wait, and hope you come out alive.”⁵ What the people saw reflected the terrifying and unfamiliar nature of tornadoes for many people at the time, especially given the limited time noticed before the disaster struck. 

News Coverage and Reactions

Newspaper articles from 1925 provide insight into how people experienced and understood the disaster. Newspapers across the country very quickly started to report on the destruction, often emphasizing the scale of the tragedy. Eyewitness News had this to say about the event “In total, 695 people lost their lives. The town of Griffin, among others, was destroyed but rebuilt. A Main Street building is believed to have survived the tornado. The school, destroyed, but later rebuilt as well. What’s left of that school still stands today, along with memories of the town’s resilient spirit,”⁶ the high death toll, countless injuries, and widespread damage were proof of how deadly and traumatizing the tornado was. Relief efforts also reveal a lot of information about this era. Organizations such as the American Red Cross played a huge role in providing aid for those affected. After the tornado, the Tri-State region demonstrated remarkable strength and compassion. Survivors, victims’ families, and affected communities showed resilience as they endured, grieved, and began to rebuild. Rescue workers and neighboring communities provided essential food, temporary housing, and medicine to support recovery efforts.⁷ There were also lots of volunteers who distributed food, clothing, and medical supplies, showing the importance of national relief organizations in times of crisis. Local governments, churches, and civic groups also participated in relief efforts. In many cases, communities relied heavily on volunteer labor rather than formal emergency systems. This reliance reflects the limited role of the federal government in disaster response during the 1920s. Unlike today, there was no centralized agency equivalent to modern emergency management organizations. Personal letters and survivor testimonies further illustrate the impact the disaster had on those living in the area. Many accounts describe families searching for missing relatives or attempting to rebuild their homes with limited resources. These sources remind us that beyond the statistics, the tornado caused profound personal loss.

Has Modernity Caused Problems in the Long Run?

The Tri-State Tornado also shows us how much people contradicted themselves in the twenties. On one hand, the decade was characterized by technological progress and optimism. On the other hand, the disaster exposed the limits of that progress. As Dumenil explains, modernity in the 1920s often created “a sense of both excitement and unease,” as Americans navigated rapid change.⁸ The Tri-State Tornado tells us what Dumenil meant by “a sense of unease”. For example, while railroads and telegraphs allowed news of the disaster to spread quickly, it didn’t help with preventing the disaster from happening. Similarly, advances in engineering had not yet led to tornado-resistant buildings. Many structures in the affected areas were poorly constructed and unable to withstand extreme winds. Another important factor was the absence of a coordinated national response. The federal government in the 1920s generally followed a policy of limited intervention in local affairs. As a result, disaster relief depended heavily on private organizations and state governments. This approach often led to uneven recovery efforts, with some communities receiving more assistance than others.

Social and Economic Impact

The economic impact the Tornado had on the midwest was severe, especially in smaller towns that relied heavily on agriculture and local businesses. Unfortunately, crops were destroyed, livestock killed, and infrastructures were damaged. In many cases, local towns and communities were going to be struggling for years. We can highlight areas where the economic hardships are most notable through the broader prosperity of the 1920s. During this time, America was split in two; some Americans enjoyed rising incomes and consumer goods, while others faced ongoing challenges. The tornado disproportionately affected rural populations, highlighting inequalities within American society. Many farmers were already dealing with the prices of their crops dropping during the 1920s, and this natural disaster only made their situation even worse. In the social aspect, the disaster brought communities together. Neighbors helped one another rebuild, and aid from local organizations provided support for those in need. However, recovery was very slow during this time, and many families never fully regained what they had lost during the time the tornado struck. Several communities were almost completely demolished, which required them to be rebuilt immediately, which altered the psychical and social landscape of the region.

Making a Change

One of the many long-term effects of the Tri-State Tornado was its impact on scientific research and public policy. Meteorologists began to study tornadoes more seriously than ever before. They wanted to understand a tornado’s formation and behaviors. Over time, the extensive research contributed to improved forecasting techniques that will greatly help citizens if another tornado were to attack. Although these changes were not immediate and they would take some time. The disaster did however greatly shift how we predict the weather. Eventually, the U.S. government became more willing to invest in meteorological research and warning systems. By the mid-20th century, tornado warnings became more common, significantly reducing the death tolls in future storms. This natural disaster also greatly influenced architecture and construction. People in affected areas advocated for sturdy homes and structures. Although it would take a while to build, people got to work with constructing stronger buildings that would hold up during a tornado.

Interpretations

Historians and scholars have analyzed the Tri-State Tornado from various perspectives. While some historians liked to focus on its meteorological significance, with how tense and scary the tornado was. Other historians liked to examine the social and historical context. Scholarly studies show that the high death toll was not only due to the storm being unusually fast (60-70 mph), but it also struck rural areas and residents had zero warning beforehand. These interpretations align with Lynn Dumenil’s broader arguments that the 1920s were a time of transition, where old traditions and new traditions coexisted.⁹

The Legacy of the Tri-State Tornado

There’s a lot of things the Tri-State Tornado can be known for, it’s the deadliest tornado of all time, and it also holds the record for the longest path length in history. It led to increased interest in tornado research and eventually contributed to the development of how we get natural disaster warnings. Over time, scientists gained a better understanding of severe weather and because of this, we can help reduce the impact future storms may have. The disaster also serves as a reminder that the rapid technological advances did not eliminate the vulnerability that was still present. Even if the twenties were filled with modernization, natural disasters were able to have devastating effects on people.

Conclusion

The Tri-State Tornado outbreak of 1925 was more than just a natural disaster; it also serves as a reflection of the broader tensions of the 1920s. While the decade is often remembered for its prosperity and innovation, the tornado revealed the limits of that progress, especially in rural areas in America. By taking a look at news and weather reports that happened during this time, and scholarly interpretations, we can see how the events fit into a larger context of the 1920s. At the end of the day, the Tri-State Tornado highlights how important it is to prepare for incoming storms and natural disasters, to properly inform citizens that something dangerous is coming, and how scientific understanding on the weather is important. It reminds us that even in times of growth and optimism, societies must remain aware of their vulnerabilities. The disaster still remains relevant today as we are still facing environmental challenges and it still holds many records to this day. 

Bibliogrpahy

1. Atteberry, Todd. 2025. Tracing the Scars of Hell.
2. Bailey, Cody, and Isaiah Calalang. 2025. “Remembering the 1925 Tri-State Tornado.” Eyewitness News (WEHT/WTVW). March 18, 2025. https://www.tristatehomepage.com/news/local-news/posey-county/remembering-the-1925-tri-state-tornado/.
3. Blanchard, W. O. “The Murphysboro Tornado.” The Scientific Monthly 23, no. 5 (1926): 434–46. http://www.jstor.org/stable/7421.
4. Dumenil, Lynn. 2007. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Ny: Hill And Wang, [Ca.
5. Museum, Evansville. 2025. “The Tri-State Tornado: Tragedy and Resilience | Evansville Museum of Arts, History & Science.” Emuseum.org. 2025. https://www.emuseum.org/exhibitions/the-tri-state-tornado-tragedy-and-resilience.
6. US Department of Commerce, NOAA, National Weather Service. 2020. “1925 Tornado.” Weather.gov. 2020. https://www.weather.gov/pah/1925Tornado.

1. Dumenil, Lynn. 2007. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Ny: Hill And Wang, [Ca.
   ‌ ︎
2. Dumenil, Lynn. 2007. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Ny: Hill And Wang, [Ca. ︎
3. US Department of Commerce, NOAA, National Weather Service. 2020. “1925 Tornado.” Weather.gov. 2020. https://www.weather.gov/pah/1925Tornado. ︎
4. Blanchard, W. O. “The Murphysboro Tornado.” The Scientific Monthly 23, no. 5 (1926): 434–46. http://www.jstor.org/stable/7421. ︎
5. Atteberry, Todd. 2025. Tracing the Scars of Hell.
   ‌ ︎
6. Bailey, Cody, and Isaiah Calalang. 2025. “Remembering the 1925 Tri-State Tornado.” Eyewitness News (WEHT/WTVW). March 18, 2025. https://www.tristatehomepage.com/news/local-news/posey-county/remembering-the-1925-tri-state-tornado/.
   ‌ ︎
7. Museum, Evansville. 2025. “The Tri-State Tornado: Tragedy and Resilience | Evansville Museum of Arts, History & Science.” Emuseum.org. 2025. https://www.emuseum.org/exhibitions/the-tri-state-tornado-tragedy-and-resilience.
   ‌ ︎
8. Dumenil, Lynn. 2007. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Ny: Hill And Wang, [Ca. ︎
9. Dumenil, Lynn. 2007. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Ny: Hill And Wang, [Ca. ︎

Some of these occupations included opportunities within botany, mathematics, architecture, blacksmithing, cinema operators, miners, artists and so on. With about 280 booths in attendance, over 100 occupations, career paths and opportunities were displayed. These events also intended to raise money for the Women’s Republican Party, several members of the organizing committee were a part of this organization.

The first fair was held from April 18th to the 25th, 1925, however there were years of preparation needed in order to organize such an event, and there are even newspaper clippings from as early as 1923 publishing the fair. Initially the fair was only intended to run for one year however, within the first years’ operation there were close to 160,000-200,000 visitors. The overwhelming number of visitors even caused the fair to expand into surrounding buildings just to adhere to the population. Due to the popularity, the fair then began to run annually until 1928 (see timeline for more specific dates), and  by that time several other foreign countries had joined in the fair’s events. Some of which included Greece, Great Britain and Germany. 

As a whole the fair intended to help women transition from their traditional positions in society, into their new ones. Within previous decades the ‘traditional’ role of women was held within the domestic, they were intended to keep the home clean, cook, tend to children, and any other responsibilities needed. If they were able to work it’s likely that their occupation still fell within the domestic sphere with jobs such as housekeeping often being readily available. However, as the years progressed women began to establish their place within the public sphere and therefore within the rest of typical society. Their jobs began to hold more public positions, which included jobs such as secretaries and salesclerks. However many women were limited in their knowledge of what was available to them, and resulted in many women working within the same jobs. The fair intended to expand women’s horizons and possibilities in their progressive era.

Who organized the fair?

With each fair came endless amounts of boards and committees created in order to ensure a successful and impactful fair. However two women credited with much of the fairs’ success are Helen Marie Bennett and Ruth McCormick.

Helen Marie Bennett: Born September 17th, 1972 in Washington, Iowa, Bennett was an American journalist and businesswoman, she worked for the Chicago Record and authored several books including ‘Women and Work.’ She also served as manager of the Chicago Bureau of Occupations, which essentially where college-educated women went to seek employment, the bureau acted as a sort of guide for these women. Despite all this Bennett is most known for being a part of the committee that organized all four woman’s fairs.  

Ruth McCormick: Born March 27th, 1880 in Cleveland Ohio, McCormick went on to become a very successful politician, activist, and publisher. Despite her familial wealth McCormick chose to live within the University of Chicago Settlement, which introduced her to working women and exposed her to the issues they faced. This in turn made McCormick a better writer and publicist at the Chicago Tribune, which she worked at very early in her career..  She was also a member of the Welfare Committee, the Women’s City Club of Chicago, she served as a chairwoman for the women’s welfare section of the National Civil Federation, and was an incredibly active member of the Progressive Party, she even went on to win a seat within the party in 1912. Her husband served one term in the US House of Representatives, and was Senate to Illinois in 1918, very often McCormick is credited with her husband’s political success and she eventually served as chairman to the women’s first Republic National Committee. However after the death of her husband in 1925 McCormick dedicated herself to the Woman’s Fairs. Where she went on to serve as a general executive and as a member on the Board of Directors. Even after the death of her husband McCormick was still incredibly active in politics, going on to become the Republican representative for Illinois from 1929-1931. 

The Influences of the Woman’s World’s Fair

The Fair was the result of a multitude of ever-developing factors within the late 19th and early 20th century. These factors and events challenged the traditional gender norms set within society and led to women gaining more freedom within society and their everyday lives. 

The 1893 World’s Fair

The 1893 World’s Fair, which is also referred to as the Columbian Exposition, was the first ever world’s fair held in Chicago. The Fair was meant to celebrate the 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus’ arrival in the new world. The centerpiece of such a celebration was over 600 acres of land from the Frederick Law Olmsted Jackson Park were carved out and rebuilt specifically for this exposition. The fair grounds, which would later be referred to as The White City, aimed to demonstrate an ideal and almost euphoric United States. The city was specifically designed and covered in a white plaster, therefore giving it the nickname of White City, all of the buildings were also a specific height in order to give a more uniformed look, and at the center of the entire fair was a large water pool, meant to be representative of the voyage Columbus took. Due to the time and care put into the architectural aspects of the fair, it now serves as a great influence to Chicago architects. Over the six month residency the fair sought to host millions of visitors, from all walks of life, and from all over the world, over 46 nations participated in this fair. As a whole this fair served as an exposition for innovations in architecture, engineering, transportation, weaponry, art, and so much more. This specific fair also greatly impacted the American’s perception of beauty, since it exposed Americans to new cultural aspects from other countries.

 Overall the fair greatly impacted American culture, economics and even politics, it was meant to demonstrate the United States as being wealthy and progressive, however the fair truly exposed several flaws within American society. 

Every aspect of the 1893 World’s Fair was specifically designed, which is demonstrated within the very architecture of the fair. It would therefore make sense that the fair was also specifically designed to exclude those typically oppressed within this society, including women.  Although there was a Women’s Building within the fair’s design, it was on the very outskirts of the fair’s main buildings, and only a fraction of the size. Aside from this building there was a clear lack of representation of Women within the fair. Due to this many thought that a fair specifically tailored for and representing women was greatly needed, this idea then snowballed into what is now known as the Woman’s World’s Fairs. 

The Women’s Suffrage and Rights Movement 

The Women’s Suffrage movement stemmed from the women’s rights movements within the mid-19th century. At first these movements demonstrated several different goals, however despite this several leaders within the movement decided that gaining the right to vote would be most important. It would open doors to several other opportunities women were seeking within society, however disputes over how to gain the vote caused many divisions. Although historians tend to paint the women’s suffrage movement as being a part of the very early 20th century, the first recorded attempt at a national movement began in Seneca Falls, New York in July of 1848. After several other movements, demonstrations, and petitions, the division over how women would gain the right to vote eventually split the movement into two groups, the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). Around the 1890s the two groups realized their division only impeded on progress and the two combined to great the National American Women Suffrage Association (NAWSA), Thirty years after the groups united an incredible stride in the movement was made when Jeannette Rankin was elected to Congress as the Republican Representative of Montana. Rankin was an active member in the suffrage and rights movements, and used her platform to support the movement, her support was quickly felt in 1917 when she testified to Congress on the movements in order to keep it on the agenda. Soon a Committee on Women’s Suffrage was created in order to consider bills related to women’s voting rights. After two years of hearings, lobbying, and meetings Congress finally passed a bill on women’s voting rights July 7th 1919, and just over a year later the bill was officially adopted into the Constitution. 

Although this was an incredible achievement for the women’s suffrage movement, it still excluded a great deal of American citizens. Specifically African American men and women, it would be almost 40 years before their rights were granted. All in all the exclusion of this population of Americans demonstrated the country’s failed Reconstruction movement. 

This movement greatly influenced the development of the Women’s World’s Fairs, many members of the organizing committee, including Ruth McCormick, were at the forefront of the Suffrage and Rights movements. The results of these movements, including the right to vote, opened the door to many women and gave them access to the public sphere. However, even though many women were now able to be within the public sphere, they were still greatly limited in what they could do occupationally speaking. The fair was greatly needed in order to demonstrate to women what opportunities were available to them within this new public sphere. 

The New Woman 

Although the late 1800s and early 1900s demonstrate great times of progression for women’s equality, there is no surprise that older generations often pushed back against these ideas. Often the new and progressive women within society were referred to as the ‘New Woman,’ and as positive as it sounds it was typically meant as a sort of insult. The ‘New Woman’ typically referred to the younger generation of women, who demonstrated feminist ideals and who are now cultural icons. These women, often referred to as ‘flappers’ were actually just working class women. They were women who worked, were financially independent, voted, and spent their nights out on the town, however most importantly they were women who spent money free from male influence. So it’s no surprise that these new women were typically welcomed in urban environments such as Chicago. 

The Romanticization of the New Woman 

Often when eras of great progression, such as the women’s suffrage and rights movements, get romanticized, and many of the negative aspects are glossed over. First off, the jobs that became readily available for women were smaller-scale jobs men took on to start their climb within their careers, like salesclerks or secretaries. These jobs were then feminized and seen as lesser, therefore they were only paid about 42-63% of what men would make in that exact position. This pay gap was even greater for women of minority groups. Many women also worked within the same positions, and although the Women’s World Fair presented many opportunities, they were mainly directed toward white educated women. 

The Working Woman in the Media

Another interesting notion to keep in mind is the role that the media has played in encouraging the development of the New Women and of women within the public sphere. Of course the economy is going to encourage women to work, since in the end it meant they would receive more money. Between the 1900s and 1930s representation of the working women increased dramatically. At first women were presented as doing very simple jobs within offices and stores, but more importantly it was presented that the workplace was an environment in which women would be able to meet their husbands. As the years went on, and working women in media became a natural sight, the media began reflecting the realities of working women’s lives. Representing the mundane, repetitiveness of their lives.

Overall the development of the working women, the new women, and of flappers came as a direct result of the 19th amendment and directly influenced the women’s world’s fair. Although women began to enter the public sphere they were still very limited in what they could do, the fair acted as a networking agent for them. And although these were great times of progression it is extremely important to understand how romanticized this era is and how many negative details are simply glossed over. 

Conclusion

As a whole the Woman’s World’s Fair stood as a testament to the progressive nature of the early 20th century. The event, created by women and for women, provided them with access to the opportunities available to them. Achievements within several different fields were proudly displayed and hundreds of booths demonstrated new career paths women of the era could take up. The creation of this fair was the direct result of a multitude of events, including the limited representation in the1893 Columbian Exposition, the strides made within the Suffrage and Woman’s Rights movements, and the active development of what is now known as the ‘New Woman.’ Typically this era of history is presented as being extremely progressive, and the events of the World’s Fairs (both the Columbian and the Woman’s) only further emphasized this idea since they were intended to demonstrate progression in a culture, engineering, and many other topics. However it is important to keep in mind the large population of Americas that were outright discriminated against during these fairs. It’s also important to note that even women who were able to be a part of the public sphere through these job opportunities were still discriminated against and even sexualized in some aspects. Ripples of these misogynist, and racist ideas are demonstrated in the decades after the fairs, and aspects of such are even felt within modern day society. With any event in history it’s important to understand not only the context of the event, but the multifaceted sides of the event as well. By understanding this one can truly grasp the importance and influence that major events, such as the Woman’s World’s Fair, had on society and how it affects modern society. 

Timeline:

Citations:

““The New Woman” | US History II (American Yawp).” Courses.lumenlearning.com, courses.lumenlearning.com/suny-ushistory2ay/chapter/the-new-woman-2/.

“Chicago Architecture Center.” Chicago Architecture Center, 2024, www.architecture.org/online-resources/architecture-encyclopedia/worlds-columbian-exposition-of-1893.

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper : American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York, Hill And Wang, 1995.

Estherwang. “The 1925 Woman’s World’s Fair in Chicago – Chicago History Museum.” Chicago History Museum, 22 Apr. 2025, www.chicagohistory.org/the-1925-womans-worlds-fair-in-chicago/. Accessed 18 Mar. 2026.

Ganz, Cheryl. The 1933 Chicago World’s Fair : A Century of Progress. Urbana, Univ. Of Illinois Press, 2012.

   Grossman, Ron. “Chicago’s Society Women Threw a World’s Fair of Their Own in the 1920s to Showcase Female Talent.” Chicago Tribune, March 11, 2024. https://www.chicagotribune.com/2024/03/03/womens-world-fair-chicago/

  Miller, Taylor Jade. “New Women, New Opportunities: The New Women of Chicago’s World’s Fairs, 1893-1934,” 2018

“MCCORMICK, Ruth Hanna | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives.” History.house.gov, history.house.gov/People/Detail/17791.

Patrick, Jeanette. “Ruth Hanna McCormick.” National Women’s History Museum, 2016, www.womenshistory.org/education-resources/biographies/ruth-hanna-mccormick-simms.

 Scott. “Woman’s Part at the World’s Fair, Part I.” Chicago’s 1893 Worlds Fair, April 2, 2024. https://worldsfairchicago1893.com/2019/03/01/womans-part-at-the-worlds fair-part-1/. 

“The House Supports Women’s Suffrage, 1917–1919 | US House of Representatives: History, Art & Archives.” History.house.gov, history.house.gov/Exhibitions-and-Publications/WIC/Historical-Essays/No-Lady/House-Supports-Suffrage/.

“The World’s Columbian Exposition: The White City and Fairgrounds – Smarthistory.” Smarthistory.org, smarthistory.org/white-city-and-fairgrounds/.

Tracey Jean Boisseau, and Abigail M Markwyn. Gendering the Fair : Histories of Women and Gender at World’s Fairs. Urbana, University Of Illinois Press, 2010.

Weimann, Jeanne Madeline. The Fair Women: The Story of the Woman’s Building World’s Columbian Exposition, Chicago 1983. Chicago, IL: Chicago, III : Academy Chicago, 1981. 

“Woman’s World’s Fair, 1925.” Chicagohistory.org, 2026, encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1374.html. Accessed 18 Mar. 2026.

Suggested Resources:

The Chicago History Museum

The Chicago Digital Collections

The Chicago Architecture Center

The Chicago Tribune

madison

Madison is currently a senior at the Ramapo College of New Jersey, who took this course in the spring of 2026. She has a major in Visual Arts, with a concentration in Art History, along with a double minor in Anthropology and Museum and Exhibitions Studies. After graduating Madison hopes to continue her education in order to become an Archaeologist or Museum Educator.

Discovering the Epidemic

Established as a Gold Rush town in the late 1800s, Nome, Alaska was home to roughly 1,800 people in 1925.¹ Only one of them was a physician. Dr. Curtis Welch first encountered a suspected childhood diphtheria case in October of 1924, however since no one else in the child’s family was exhibiting symptoms of the highly contagious respiratory disease he dismissed it as a cold. The child died two days later, a tragedy Welch ascribed to malnutrition. On January 20th, however, he officially diagnosed a seven year old Indigenous child with diphtheria after noticing the distinctive smell of the disease. The only antitoxin serum Welch had on hand had expired five years earlier. Realizing that the child was unlikely to recover, he risked administering the expired serum. Welch did not observe any negative reaction to the antitoxin. However, his attempt at treatment was too late, and the child passed away. By this point, Welch was able to conclude that the expired serum, while not harmful, would not be effective enough to fight off an epidemic. He immediately notified the mayor of Nome and they formed an emergency Board of Health to enforce a town-wide quarantine.²

The Call for Help

Welch sent a telegram asking for help from the Public Health Service in Washington, D. C. The group was able to quickly locate 300,000 units of antitoxin in Anchorage, but they immediately ran into the issue of transportation. There were two small planes in Anchorage, however they had been disassembled for the winter. Even if they were functional, they would have likely been useless in the below freezing temperatures and 60 to 70 mile per hour winds of the Alaskan winter.³ Instead, the Board of Health and territorial Governor Scott Bone chose to transport the serum via dog sled along the Alaskan Mail Route, also called the Iditarod Trail.⁴ This route normally took 20 days for one team to complete, but this would have been far too long for Nome to wait. Instead, they decided on a relay team of mushers and their dog teams. With the help of the United States Signal Corps, which operated the Alaskan telegraph system, the Board of Health contacted 20 men who agreed to transport the antitoxin to Nome.⁵ On January 27th, the serum was delivered by train from Anchorage to Nenana. There, 674 miles away from Nome, the race began.⁶

The Great Race for Mercy

From the station at Nenana, William “Wild Bill” Shannon and his team took off towards Tolovana. The 52 miles he covered marked the first leg of the serum run. The race involved 20 men and over 150 dogs in total.⁷ These teams travelled in blizzard conditions, and one musher, Charlie Evans, later claimed that he ran through -64 degree weather during his leg of the trip.⁸ There was a great amount of diversity amongst the mushers, with many European immigrants, native born white Americans, members of Indigenous Athabascan tribes, and men of blended ancestry running on the trail. Details about individual mushers and their experiences during the serum run can be found in the map below.

The Eyes of the Nation

The diphtheria epidemic and the serum run itself became sources of national interest. Newspapers across the country, from Hawai’i to Maine, covered the efforts to save Nome. People eagerly followed the plight in Alaska, and newspaper companies attempted to reach Welch for comment. He later told the Surgeon General that he destroyed all the wires sent to him by the press, saying “I am a physician, not a press agent.”⁹ Still, the newspapers continued to allow people from every state to follow what was happening in the farthest reaches of the American territory. All of this took place in a decade that saw an uptick in interest in national news.

Leonhard Seppala and Togo

In an effort to quicken the relay, Nome’s Board of Health decided to add more mushers to the trip after it had already begun. Leonhard Seppala, a Norwegian immigrant and famed dog sled racer, had already been sent from Nome to Nulato to pick up the serum. He had no way of knowing that more teams had been added or that the serum had actually passed through Nulato already. His trip to Nulato wound up being very fortunate, however, as Henry Ivanoff’s dogs picked up the scent of reindeer only half a mile outside of Shaktoolik. The dogs refused to return to the trail, so upon seeing Seppala Ivanoff waved him down and transferred the serum to him. Seppala, whose team was led by the famous Siberian Husky Togo, headed towards Golovin in Ivanoff’s place.¹⁰.

On his way to Golovin, Seppala had to choose between travelling along the coastline of Norton Bay, adding hours to the run, or cutting 20 miles across the frozen Bay itself. The ice could crack at any time, potentially stranding him and his team on an ice drift. Worse, they could be plunged into the icy sea. Seppala, whose daughter Seigrid had contracted and recovered from diphtheria a few years earlier, decided to cut across the Bay.¹¹

Togo led Seppala’s team in a straight line across Norton Bay. All the while, the man himself listened carefully for the sound of cracking ice, though he could not be sure it was not covered by the howling wind. At one point, the strong gusts blew the sled sideways, taking the dogs with it. Seppala righted them and moved on. Finally, late in the evening, he and his dogs arrived at the shore of Norton Bay. They had successfully crossed the frozen sea. Seppala and his team stopped to rest in the shelter of his friend’s igloo overnight. A few short hours after the team came ashore, the ice of the bay they had just run across began to break. ¹²

Seppala and his team left the next morning. When they finally arrived in Golovin, they had travelled over 91 miles on the serum run.¹³ This was the longest distance covered by any individual team. While this remains the official length credited to Seppala’s team, it does not include the trip they took from Nome to Shaktoolik. In total, the dogs had actually run 268 miles within two days.¹⁴

Gunnar Kaasen and Balto

Seppala transferred the serum to Charlie Olson in Golovin, who then travelled 25 miles to Bluff. There, he handed it off to Norwegian-born musher Gunnar Kaasen and his team, led by the Siberian Husky Balto. The vsibility was so poor that Kaasen nearly directed his team to run straight through a river. He was stopped only by Balto’s refusal to move forward. Not long after they rerouted around the river, Seppala and his team came to Topkop Hill. With a 600-foot summit and no path around it, all mushers dreaded the landmark. Seppala had to get out of his sled and push it from behind while his team pulled it up the hill. During this process Kaasen completely lost sensation in his face.¹⁵

After climbing up and subsequently sledding down Topkop Hill, Kaasen and his team continued on towards Point Safety. However, while passing through Bonanza flats, the intense winds flipped over Kaasen’s sled and pulled several of his dogs with it. After righting the sled, he realized that the serum had been knocked off in the crash. In the low visibility Kaasen had to remove his mittens and search through the snow with his bare hands. Eventually, he was able to find the package and secure it to the sled once more.¹⁶

Kaasen had initially been instructed to stop at Point Safety and transfer the antitoxin to Ed Rohn, who was chosen to run it the rest of the way to Nome. When he arrived, he noticed that the lights were out in the cabin. He realized that Rohn, who was not expecting Kaasen until the next morning, had gone to sleep. Kaasen debated waking Rohn to give him the serum. After considering how long it would take Rohn to prepare his team, and recognizing the dire conditions in Nome, Kaasen decided to bring the serum the final stretch himself.¹⁷

Arrival and Aftermath

Kaasen arrived in Nome at 5:30 in the morning on February 2nd, 1925. He knocked on Welch’s front door, waking him up while his dogs finally took a break. In five and a half days, 20 men and their dogs had covered 674 miles in blizzard conditions and delivered life-saving diphtheria antitoxin to a town on the verge of an epidemic.¹⁸

When Welch opened the package he was horrified to find that the 300,000 units of antitoxin were frozen solid. After radiogramming the Public Health Service, however, he was assured that it could be thawed and used effectively. He began treating victims immediately and on February 21st the epidemic was declared over and the quarantine lifted. It had been just over a month since Welch diagnosed the first case of diphtheria.¹⁹ The serum run had been successful, and Welch and his staff were able to effectively treat the disease.

The crisis faced in Nome spurred the government into action. The Public Health Service shipped a second batch of 1,100,000 antitoxin to Seward, Alaska on the S. S. Alameda. They were taken to Nenana by train, and from there they were transported to Nome by yet another dogsled relay. Many of the mushers that participated in the first serum run likely took part in the second, however because the country’s fascination with Nome died out after Kaasen’s arrival, their names were not recorded. In addition to the new shipment of serum, the epidemic pushed the Post Office to begin planning for an effective airmail service in Alaska. ²⁰ The diphtheria epidemic and the subsequent relay race to Nome sparked fundamental changes in how Alaska was connected to the contiguous United States.

The mushers themselves were rewarded for their efforts, with each one receiving $18.66 from a public donation fund. Additionally, the Territory of Alaska paid them $25 for each day that they were on the trail. Finally, the H. K. Mulford Company, the producer of the antitoxin, sent each of the mushers a medal and sent Gunnar Kaasen an additional $1,000.²¹ However, this reward, along with Kaasen’s overall involvement in the race, proved to be controversial.

The Battle for Credit

Kaasen’s decision to bypass Ed Rohn and deliver the serum himself is still debated. He claimed that he made this choice in order to get the serum to Nome as fast as possible, however Rohn, Leonhard Seppala, and some Nome residents felt that he wanted to earn the good publicity that came with his delivery. The $1,000 he received for his efforts did not help his case.²² What may have been more damaging, however, was the movie deal he signed by the end of the month.

At a time when movies were just beginning to become popular in America, Kaasen and Balto travelled to the contiguous United States on a press tour for their film. At the end of the tour they saw the dedication of the famed Balto statue erected in Central Park. Many claim that this is evidence of Kaasen’s desire for glory, however due to his introverted nature both at home and along the press tour, some argue that the Mayor of Nome may have pressured him into accepting the deal.²³ Regardless, Kaasen’s decision to take the serum to Nome himself and the lasting debate surrounding it demonstrate the questions surrounding glory in the race.

One man who always questioned Kaasen’s decision was Leonhard Seppala. For years, he remained angry that Balto was given the credit he felt belonged to his dog, Togo. After all, Togo and his team had covered more distance than any other team that participated in the run, including their treacherous trip across Norton Bay. Seppala was particularly upset when some newspapers falsely attributed Togo’s impressive run to Balto. In his memoir, Seppala wrote that:

“I hope I shall never be the man to take away credit from any dog or driver who participated in that run. We all did our best. But when the country was roused to enthusiasm over the serum run driver, I resented the statue to Balto, for if any dog deserved a special mention it was Togo.”

Salisbury, The Cruelest Miles, 248-249.

Significance

The Failures of Technology

The Nome serum run took place during a time of great technological improvements. Lynn Dumenil’s book The Modern Temper demonstrates this, including the 64% increase in industrialization over the decade as a whole. Both the chemical and automobile industries played a role in the technological boom of the 1920s.²⁴ The former had an important impact on the serum run, particularly because the H. K. Mulford Company manufactured the diphtheria antitoxin.²⁵ However, the transportation advancements that were dispersing throughout the mainland United States at this time, for example paved roads and cars, were not yet available in the more rural areas of the country. The serum run to Nome shows that in spite of recent improvements in transportation technology, these developments were not yet able to help those outside of the increasingly urban contiguous United States.

The Success of Syndicated News

While transportation improvements proved unable to affect the Nome serum run, improvements in newspaper technology drew people from all parts of the nation into following the race to Nome. Dumenil writes that “because of developments in technology and distribution, [newspapers] increasingly consisted of syndicated news information and photographs.”²⁶ This system consisted of a single news story being written and distributed to papers across the country. Dr. Welch’s account of the diphtheria epidemic, written a week after the serum arrived, is one example of this. He wrote an article for United Press that was sent to and published by newspapers all the way from Nebraska to New Jersey. This followed weeks of news coverage detailing Nome’s struggles, as newspapers from all 48 of the recognized states at that time, plus the territories of Alaska and Hawai’i, published stories about the dog sled relay. In addition to the increase in syndicated news, this shows the uptick in national news coverage that people were consuming during the 1920s.²⁷ People in every part of the country followed the serum run, regardless of how far they were from Alaska. Overall, in spite of transportation technology’s inability to assist in the race itself, advancements in newspaper technology during the 1920s allowed Americans to track what was happening in Nome.

Citations

Bibliography

• Alger, Anna. “100 Years After the Great Serum Run, Balto’s Legacy Endures.” Cleveland Museum of Natural History. January 23, 2025. Accessed March 18, 2026. https://www.cmnh.org/learn/science-blog/2025/01/23/100-years-after-the-great-serum-run-baltos-legacy-endures.
• Associated Press. “Diphtheria Rages at Nome, Alaska.” Olean Evening Herald (Olean, NY), January 28, 1925.
• Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York: Hill and Wang. 1995.
• Salisbury, Gay and Laney Salisbury. The Cruelest Miles: The Heroic Story of Dogs and Men in a Race Against an Epidemic. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. 2003.
• Stokes, E. D. “The Race for Life.” Public Health Reports 111, no. 3. (1996): 272-275. Accessed March 18, 2026. https://www.jstor.org/stable/4598014.
• Ungermann, Kenneth A. The Race to Nome: The Story of the Heroic Alaskan Dog Teams That Rushed Diphtheria Serum to Stricken Nome in 1925. New York: Harper & Row. 1963.
• Wilson, William H. “The Serum Dash to Nome, 1925.” Alaska Journal 16 (1986): 250-259.
• Welch, Curtis. “Nome’s Solitary Physician Tells Gripping Story of Diphtheria Epidemic.” The Times (Trenton, NJ) February 8, 1925.

Suggested Resources

• Rozell, Ned. “Sled Dogs Were Lifesavers in the Serum.” Geophysical Institute, University of Alaska Fairbanks. Accessed March 19, 2026. https://www.gi.alaska.edu/alaska-science-forum/sled-dogs-were-lifesavers-serum-run.
• “Serum Run of 1925.” Alaska State Archives. Accessed March 19, 2026. https://archives.alaska.gov/education/serum.html. 
• “Serum Run Resources.” University of Alaska Fairbanks. Accessed March 29, 2026. https://library.uaf.edu/aprca/research-guides/serum-run.

Grace Martinez

Grace Martinez is a Ramapo college history major with a minor in museum & exhibition studies.

www.linkedin.com/in/%20grace-martinezz

In the 1920s, American culture was increasingly becoming more secularized, creating tensions between modernity and traditional religious values. The first “Miss America” pageants embodied these conflicts, as it became both a target of religious resistance and a reflection of a callback to older ideas. Americans struggled to balance adapting to modernity while preserving their traditional beliefs and values. Religion was losing its influence on Americans with many standards straying away from the strictness of Victorian attitudes. Religion and Protestantism was no longer a dominant force in cultural norms and in efforts to maintain religion, urban churches started programs that created places of worship alongside spaces for social, recreational, and educational purposes. However, many religious leaders, including Protestant ministers and Jewish leaders, faced declining attendance and decreasing support for missionary efforts. These leaders viewed the popular culture of the 1920s, dominated by materialism and the pursuit of wealth, as a decline in religious values. Religious fundamentalists and Evangelical Christians also feared that the country was experiencing a moral and spiritual decline.¹ The first “Miss America” pageants of the 1920s serve as an example of an event that religious groups sought to oppose through protests, aiming to dismantle what they considered a moral decline. The “Miss America” pageant included a bathing suit competition, which many religious groups opposed. They sought to combat the rise of swimwear in the 1920s, particularly for women, viewing it as immoral and immodest. Moral outrage from clergymen contributed to the censorship of physical appearances on public beaches, as they insisted that women cover their knees.² This influenced the “Miss America” pageant because of its emphasis on “bathing beauties”. The pageant was met with further resistance with religious groups claiming it damaged the good choices, reputation, and morals of young women. Groups like Southern Baptists and the “Atlantic County Federation of Church Women”, joined in resistance and protest. Not only did they believe it damaged women’s morals, but they also viewed it as the exploitation of women for financial gain and corrupting them by encouraging rivalry among themselves.³ These protests are credited as having an important role in why the pageant was temporarily paused in 1928 through the early 30s.

Ironically, while traditional religious groups opposed the pageant for being “immoral”, it was an event that eagerly promoted a “traditional” and “conservative” idea of femininity. The “Miss America” pageant aimed to uphold the image of a more traditional woman, distancing itself from  the “New Woman,” represented by women in politics and flappers. Before the “Miss America” pageant was established in 1921, suffragettes held suffrage pageants. They dressed up as influential women in history, seeking to raise public awareness and funds for their political efforts.⁴ However, the “Miss America” pageant focused only on beauty, based on what men and the audience viewed as beautiful. In addition, the pageant strived to distance itself from the flapper image. Flappers were young, single women who strayed away from Victorian constraints by wearing bobbed hair, shorter and less shaped skirts, darker makeup, and smoked. In contrast, the “Miss America” pageant praised “non threatening” women who had conservative hairstyles such as longer hair, were more subservient, viewed beauty as an important goal, and demonstrated capability of being a good wife, homemaker, and mother.⁵ Contestants who had longer hair were more often praised than those with bobbed or bobbed-like hair. It was an important characteristic for “Miss America” to have, especially in the earlier competitions. Pageant organizers also tried to portray the event as “above alcohol” or other habits such as smoking. Overall, the pageant wished to portray its winners as symbols of what a 1920s American woman “should be and look like”. While religious traditionalists viewed it as immoral, the pageant still sought to revive a more traditional ideal of Victorian-like femininity and virtue.

Bibliography

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York: Hill and Wang, 1995.

Riverol, Armando. Live from Atlantic City: The History of the Miss America Pageant Before, After, and in Spite of Television. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992.

Latham, Angela J. “Packaging Woman: The Concurrent Rise of Beauty Pageants, Public Bathing, and Other Performances of Female ‘Nudity.'” Journal of Popular Culture 29, no. 3 (1995): 149–67. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1995.00149.x.

Watson, Elwood, and Darcy Martin. “The Miss America Pageant: Pluralism, Femininity, and Cinderella All in One.” Journal of Popular Culture 34, no. 1 (June 1, 2000): 105–26. doi:10.1111/j.0022-3840.2000.3401_105.x.  

Watson, E., ed. “There She Is, Miss America”: The Politics of Sex, Beauty, and Race in America’s Most Famous Pageant. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

Bettmann Archive. Policewomen Checking Length Violations. Chicago, Illinois, 1921.

Bettmann Archive. 1924 Miss America from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Ruth Malcomson. 1924.

Thomas, Bob. Cinema Personalities, 1923, American Actress Colleen Moore. Popperfoto/Getty Images, 1923.

Featured Photo: Atlantic Foto Service. Contestants of the 1925 Miss America Pageant. Atlantic City, New Jersey, 1925.

Citations

1. Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995), 169-186. ︎
2. Angela J. Latham, “Packaging Woman: The Concurrent Rise of Beauty Pageants, Public Bathing, and Other Performances of Female ‘Nudity,’” Journal of Popular Culture 29, no. 3 (1995): 158, https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0022-3840.1995.00149.x. ︎
3. Armando Riverol, Live from Atlantic City: The History of the Miss America Pageant Before, After, and in Spite of Television (Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1992), 24. ︎
4. Elwood Watson, ed., “There She Is, Miss America”: The Politics of Sex, Beauty, and Race in America’s Most Famous Pageant (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 28-29. ︎
5. Watson, “There She Is, Miss America”, 32. ︎

grlynn

Grlynn is a Ramapo College senior majoring in history

Ross’ Early Years

Nellie Tayloe Ross was born on November 29, 1876, in St. Joseph, Missouri, on a plantation owned by her maternal grandfather in Andrew County. Her parents were James Wynns Tayloe and Elizabeth Blair Green. Nellie’s family had been devastated by the Civil War’s aftermath; in response, she had always feared poverty. Ross’ education was facilitated by her brothers who aided in helping her learn how to read when she was 5 years old. She attended the Maxwell School with her brothers. To achieve a more successful future, her family moved to Miltonvale, Kansas. She attended the United Presbyterian Church and her mother was involved in women’s suffrage. Here, she witnessed her mother in a position of leadership, a position which her father had respected. Her southern upbringing and her mother had influenced her political beliefs. She remained a Democrat for most of her life and gained the belief from her mother that women’s traditional roles were compatible with public responsibilities.² After her mothers death, her family moved back towards the Missouri river into Omaha, Nebraska. There, she became a kindergarten teacher. In 1900, she went to visit relatives in Tennessee where she met and married her husband, William Ross. They moved to Cheyenne, Wyoming in 1902 and had four boys together. William started his own law practice and got involved in politics. He ran for governor and won with the state’s failing economy as his main concern.

The Election of Nellie Tayloe Ross

On September 25, 1924, her husband underwent an appendectomy. He died on October 2, just one month before the general election. The Democratic Party asked Nellie Tayloe Ross to be their candidate and after much convincing, she agreed. Both the Republican and Democratic parties held their conventions in Cheyenne on October 14 to choose their candidates. The Republican Party nominated Casper attorney and politician Eugene J. Sullivan. After receiving the Democratic nomination, Ross remained at home and let her friends lead the campaign. Political advertisements encouraged voters to support Ross because she promised to carry out her husband’s policies. This included policies that helped the economy and workers. They also portrayed her opponent, Sullivan, as a supporter of the founder of Sinclair Oil, Harry Sinclair, who was involved in the Teapot Dome Scandal. One advertisement in The Buffalo Voice encouraged voters to “Beat Texas to It,” encouraging Wyoming to become the first state to elect a female governor, as Miriam “Ma” Ferguson was also running for governor in Texas.⁶ While both Ross and Ferguson were the first women elected as governors in the U.S, Ross was sworn in first, earning her the title of “First Female Governor of the United States”. She defeated Sullivan by more than 8,000 votes. In addition, she even outperformed Republican Francis E. Warren, Wyoming’s senior U.S. Senator.⁷ On January 5, 1925, she was sworn in as governor of Wyoming during an inauguration ceremony in the Senate chambers in Cheyenne. She served as governor from 1925 to 1927.

Ross’ Governorship: Politics, Law, Economics, Prohibition, & Agriculture

The 1920s has the reputation of being a time of prosperity, economic growth, and the boom of the stock market. However, it differed from state to state. Before the Stock Market Crash of 1929 and the Great Depression, Wyoming was facing an economic depression. Ross would be among the governors who confronted this depression. Wyoming’s economy depended on livestock, business, farming, coal production, and the Union Pacific Railroad. In post-WW1 Wyoming, the loss of government contracts, declining demand for certain commodities, deflation, and the 1919 drought contributed to this economic depression. To tackle these problems, Ross proposed a plan to address the state’s budget deficit and outlined strategies for managing it. She found that railroad property values were lower than those in neighboring states and that many mining corporations owned large amounts of property while avoiding taxes. She believed that more equitable taxation could help resolve the issue. In the 1920s, businesses and businessmen were becoming more idealized, striving to present a more polished and positive image. At the same time, the issue of business taxes became a significant concern in response to previous revisions to tax laws. People, such as Secretary of the Treasury Andrew Mellon, sought to reduce business tax, while Ross was concerned with equitable tax within her state.⁸ Following this, she discovered that falling oil prices were causing shortfalls and that light oil production was decreasing. In response, she supported producing more black oil and using it to build state’s highways. To her disappointment, her proposals to explore commercial possibilities for black oil were declined. Banks were also failing. Between 1920-1924, 68 state and national banks had failed in Wyoming. Half had closed by 1924.⁹ To address banking closures, Ross proposed laws to protect banks and depositors. This included laws that made sure that people wouldn’t lose their money if a bank failed. Lastly, Ross answered to further tax concerns by supporting a bill that would give one-third of mineral royalties to public schools. This would help with reducing local taxes. However, it was not approved by the legislature.

When we think of the 1920s, we also often think of Prohibition, a time when alcohol was banned across the U.S. During the late 19th century and into the 1920s, women had entered the political arena. One popular reform amongst them was Prohibition. This led to the 18th Amendment and the Volstead Act that made the production, sale, and transportation of alcohol illegal. Women supported Prohibition because they believed male drinking led to reckless behavior, such as sexual excess, which harmed women and children in the home.¹¹ Ross, like these women, supported this law. She believed that the purchaser of alcohol was just as guilty as the bootlegger. She proposed a bill to enforce this, however, it was later declined by the legislature. During her term, she had to deal with two sheriffs who were involved in alcohol related acts. She received and agreed to a request from District Court Judge Metz to allow an investigation into Park County Sheriff William Loomis.¹² Loomis was accused of accepting pay from alleged bootlegger, Fay Willford, in protection money. Loomis faced charges for serving confiscated alcohol to prisoners, accepting bribes and protection money from Willford and James P. Morgan in relation to whiskey on Morgan’s property, and for appearing intoxicated in public. Ross ordered a removal of Loomis who she deemed unfit for his position. On June 17, 1925, The Park County Herald reported that “The Governor (Ross) having heard all the evidence, does find generally against the defendant, William H. Loomis”.¹³ Another Sheriff named Scott Hazen was charged with appearing intoxicated in public, taking confiscated alcohol for his own use, getting involved in a plan to transport and sell alcohol, and failing to serve warrants to known bootleggers while allowing speakeasies to operate. In response to his future hearings on this matter, he resigned from office.

In addition, Ross also dealt with several other issues, including farm and agricultural concerns, and protecting Wyoming’s claims to Colorado River water. Farm foreclosures and low prices were an issue in Wyoming. This prevented the settlement and expansion of farms on federal projects in Wyoming. Under her husband’s governorship, he had created a farm loan program which she continued by making it permanent. Later, Ross convinced Elwood Mead, the man behind water laws, and the Secretary of Interior, Herbert Work to review these projects. Mead explained that he could only point out the problems, and it was up to farmers and state officials to determine the additional funds and introduce legislation to address those issues. Ross worked with a man named George Kreutzer from the Bureau of Reclamation to address these issues. She used local newspapers to collect farmer’s concerns and seek help from the Bureau of Reclamation. She also created a reclamation committee made up of farmers to explain their challenges and issues to the Bureau of Reclamation.¹⁴

Women’s Rights, Feminism, Reform and Ross’ Views on Women

Beginning in the late 19th century and continuing into the 1920s, the “new woman” became more active in politics, with Ross serving as an example. They became political actors and lobbied for progressive reform. Suffrage was one of these reforms. Through this, women had gained the right to vote in 1920 with the ratification of the 19th Amendment. Wyoming, the state where Ross governed, however, already became the nation’s first suffrage state in 1869. This prompted many people and newspapers to declare Wyoming as the “Equality State”, further encouraging the election of Ross. Other reforms that “the new woman” supported included labor laws, which Ross had also aligned with. A suffragist named Grace Hebard had written to Ross in regards to a child labor bill. Ross responded by confirming her position on this issue claiming that the bill would be an important step in protecting the children of America. However, her child labor bill was later declined by the senate because of fear it would interfere with the rights of parents to give their children working roles.¹⁶ She also advocated for protective legislation to support female employees, but this proposal was also rejected. Ross continued to be dedicated to maintaining the welfare of workers. She supported and proposed mine safety legislation. These legislations were successfully approved.

While women became increasingly involved in politics, their views on women’s rights varied. Women, like Alice Paul and The Woman’s Party, advocated for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) that guaranteed equal rights for men and women. They believed that while suffrage was a major breakthrough in women’s political equality, the ERA would answer to the remaining limitations that women faced. This included the inability to execute contracts, unequal wages, and marriage property rights. In 1923, the legislation was introduced to Congress. Women like Julia Lathrop and Frances Perkins emphasized women’s distinctiveness, arguing that special labor protections tailored to their sex were necessary. This led them to reject the ERA in fear that it would undermine sex-based labor legislation that specifically protected women.¹⁷ Like these women, Ross held her own views on women’s roles, rights, and nature, which often left some feminists disappointed. Initially, many women’s rights advocates, suffragettes, and feminists viewed Ross’ election as a great victory. However, some women were left disappointed in Ross’ refusal to prioritize her influence on the women’s rights movement. Instead, she stated that her duty was to the people of Wyoming as their governor. In 1925, Hebard, the same woman who had written to Ross about a child labor bill, also suggested that Ross appoint women to positions in the Child and Animal Protection Board and the University Board of Trustees. This was left unanswered. Hebard continued to suggest that she attend a meeting of the “National League of Women Voters”, which Ross had declined.

Ross did believe in women’s capabilities within the political sphere and encouraged them to seek public office. However, she would often express her belief that a woman’s most important social role was being a wife and a mother. On March 28, 1926, The Brownsville Herald reported that “Although she (Ross) has faith in the future of America’s young womanhood and believes that ‘freedom of the younger generation of women will prove beneficial. Governor Nellie Tayloe Ross holds that the highest position of woman in life is matrimony and motherhood’”.¹⁹ Despite this, it did not stop her from believing in the importance of women in politics and positions of power. She was more concerned with the perception that engaging in politics had “unsexed” her.²⁰ She was committed to proving that despite her role in political power, she was still a feminine woman. In other words, femininity, politics, and public service were all compatible. While she praised motherhood, marriage, and domestic responsibilities, she also made it clear that women should not limit themselves to traditional roles alone.

Ross did not reject the traditional notion of women being wives and mothers. However, another reason for her distance from feminist ideology was the political climate of the 1920s. Politicians and political parties often supported women who did not engage in the feminist movement. If she had explicitly engaged in feminist activism, it is likely that she would not have been chosen as her party’s political candidate. She found herself having to prove that she could be as tough as any male politician while still maintaining her femininity. She advised women to not portray themselves as too “aggressive” when they entered office.²¹ Ross wanted people to support her because she was a capable candidate, not just because she was a woman. She hoped they would focus on her abilities and not discriminate against her because of her sex. In 1926, Ross responded to concerns that the entrance of women in politics would cause them to create havoc by exercising their newfound power. On January 24th, The Washington Post reported that she responded by stating, “It opens to woman the door for unbounded service and challenges her to prove whether she does possess high ideals.”.²² After losing her second-term election, she admitted regretting not doing more to appeal to women and challenge the sexist notions she faced.

Overall, despite Ross’ goal to distance herself from explicit feminist activism, she is still viewed as an important figure to women’s rights. Her title as the first woman governor in the U.S was and is still revered. She inspired other “new women” to get involved in the field of politics.

Wyoming’s Re-Election & Ross’ Post-Term

In 1926, The Democratic Party remained with her as their candidate for the next election. The Republican Party chose Frank Emerson, the state engineer. While Ross had won the 1924 election by a significant amount of votes, she did not succeed in re-election for a number of reasons. The most basic reason was that Wyoming was still an overwhelmingly Republican state, and the party had strengthened once again. Wyoming’s senior U.S. senator, Francis E. Warren, was believed to have been on the brink of passing away of old age. At the same time, Wyoming also had a Democratic junior senator, John B. Kendrick. If Ross had won re-election, she would have had the right to choose the next senior senator.²⁵ Republicans would not have preferred two Democrats. Another reason was that during the 1920s, the Klu Klux Klan had a resurgence, and many had controlled votes. Anti-immigrant sentiments and nativism surged during the decade, with Catholics and Catholic immigrants facing discrimination. Some Republicans portrayed Ross as a Catholic, which the KKK held hatred against. Lastly, Ross was a woman. Many still believed women were incapable of handling politics. Some female voters even believed that Ross didn’t automatically deserve their votes just because she was a woman. The Cody Enterprise reported on a woman who had voiced this. A woman named Mrs. Jenkins stated “What has Mrs. Ross done particularly to deserve the votes of women? Has she ever since taken any interest in Woman’s Suffrage? Has she ever been a delegate to a Woman’s Suffrage convention, to a Woman’s Christian Temperance meeting, to a Woman’s Relief Corps convention, to a meeting of the Federation of Woman’s clubs for Wyoming?.”.²⁶ However, while she had lost, she remained in politics and Democratic women’s groups. In the 1930s, she became a campaign orator and was even later on appointed as Director of the U.S Mint by Franklin D. Roosevelt.

Significance

I chose Nellie Tayloe Ross’s achievement of becoming the first female governor in the U.S. because of my interest in women’s history. I was surprised to learn that a woman had already become a state governor as early as the 1920s. Ross’s victory was widely reported, with many 1920s newspapers covering her historic achievement and status as the first woman governor. It was perceived as a significant accomplishment.

The story of Nellie Tayloe Ross both reinforces and complicates our understanding of the decade. Common themes of the 1920s are flappers, economic prosperity, and prohibition. Flappers are known to have been young “new women” who strayed away from restrictive and traditional female roles. However, Ross represents a different kind of “new woman” who did the same. She was a woman involved in politics. Another aspect that her story demonstrates is that while women were increasingly becoming involved in politics, some had to distance themselves from feminism in order to gain support from male peers. Ross’ distance from feminism and her commitment to continuing what her husband left behind may explain why newspaper coverage of her victory was more positive than many people today would expect.

The theme of Prohibition is something many associate with the 1920s and Ross’ time as governor demonstrates that it is an accurate depiction. Prohibition had Americans question the amount of power the federal government possessed. Many people and certain senators argued that it violated the constitution by limiting states’ rights.²⁷ However, Ross’ stance on strict prohibition enforcement demonstrated that some state leaders supported it. She proved this by confronting two sheriffs who were accused of crimes associated with it.

Finally, Ross’s story complicates the common image of the 1920s as being filled with prosperity and fun. Wyoming was a state that was going through an economic depression and Ross’s election loss exposed a darker side of the decade. ​The KKK had reemerged and gained some influence in the political sphere.

Bibliography

Mackey, Mike. “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics.” Journal of the West 42, no. 3 (2003): 25–34.https://research-ebsco-com.library2.ramapo.edu:2443/linkprocessor/plink?id=f5cae36e-3b49-3ace-ba5b-0cabe6b1f206

Scharff, Virginia. “Feminism, Femininity, and Power: Nellie Tayloe Ross and the Woman Politician’s Dilemma.” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 15, no. 3 (March 1, 1995): 87–106. doi:10.2307/3346786.

Scheer, Teva J. 2005. Governor Lady: The Life and Times of Nellie Tayloe Ross. Columbia: University of Missouri Press.http://site.ebrary.com/id/10129006.

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York: Hill and Wang, 1995.

“Beat Texas to It, and Elect Woman Governor,” The Buffalo Voice (Buffalo, Johnson County, WY), October 17, 1924. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92067096/1924-10-17/ed-1/seq-1/.

“Wyoming Inaugurates Nellie Tayloe Ross—First Lady Governor in United States.” Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), January 7, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066928/1925-01-07/ed-1/seq-1/.

“Her Excellency, The Governess.” The Challis Messenger (Challis, Idaho), January 14, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88056159/1925-01-14/ed-1/seq-3/.

“Evening Star.” Evening Star (Washington, D.C.), January 18, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1925-01-18/ed-1/seq-96/.

“Wyoming Senate Rejects Child Labor Amendm’t.” The Cody Enterprise (Cody, Wyo.), January 21, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066929/1925-01-21/ed-1/seq-1/.

“Armed Prohibition Force Guards Gov. Nellie Ross.” The Washington Post (1923-1954), April 11, 1925. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post, pg. 1.

“Gov. Ross Removes Loomis from Office.” Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), June 17, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066928/1925-06-17/ed-1/seq-4/.

“Matrimony Is Proper Thing.” Brownsville Herald (Brownsville, Tex.), March 28, 1926. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86063730/1926-03-28/ed-1/seq-5/.

“Woman Governor Sees No Havoc in Vote for Her Sex: Merely Opens Door…,” The Washington Post (1923-1954), January 24, 1926. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post, pg. A7.

“Clean Politics Urged On Women.” Evening Star (Washington, D.C.), December 2, 1926. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1926-12-02/ed-1/seq-27/.

“Prominent Wyoming Lady Says Mrs. Ross Not Entitled to Woman Vote—Sympath Not Issue.” The Cody Enterprise and the Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), October 13, 1926. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066930/1926-10-13/ed-1/seq-4/.

Rockpile Museum. Nellie Tayloe Ross for Governor. Postcard, 1926. Catalog No. 2004.025.0005. Accessed March 21, 2025. https://rockpilemuseum.pastperfectonline.com/archive/E78C4C54-6A62-4033-A6E8-793416583805.

Bettmann Archive. Nellie Ross and Eleanor Roosevelt. Photograph. July 1928.

Bettmann Archive. Governor Nellie Tayloe Ross Opens Gimbels. Philadelphia, 1926.

Bain News Service. Gov. Nellie T. Ross. [ca. 1915–1920]. George Grantham Bain Collection, Library of Congress. https://www.loc.gov/item/2014709682/.

Featured image: Bettmann Archive. Nellie Tayloe Ross Making a Speech with Clarence Morley, 1924.

Additional Resources

Nellie Tayloe Ross. YouTube video, 7:00. Posted by Wyoming PBS, 7 years ago.

National Governors Association. “Nellie Tayloe Ross.” National Governors Association. Accessed March 17, 2025. https://www.nga.org/governor/nellie-tayloe-ross/.

Rea, Tom. “The Ambition of Nellie Tayloe Ross.” WyoHistory.org, November 8, 2014. Accessed March 17, 2025. https://www.wyohistory.org/encyclopedia/ambition-nellie-tayloe-ross.

Wyoming History Day. “Nellie Tayloe Ross, First Woman Governor in the United States.” Wyoming History Day. Accessed March 17, 2025. https://www.wyominghistoryday.org/theme-topics/nellie-tayloe-ross-first-woman-governor-united-states

“Nellie Tayloe Ross: Wyoming, United States’ First Female Governor.” Wyoming Public Media, January 10, 2025. https://www.wyomingpublicmedia.org/open-spaces/2025-01-10/nellie-tayloe-ross-wyoming-united-states-first-female-governor.

“Nellie Tayloe Ross Papers, 1900-1977.” Archives West, accessed March 24, 2025. https://archiveswest.orbiscascade.org/ark:80444/xv317842.

“Nellie Tayloe Ross.” Digital Public Library of America, accessed March 24, 2025. https://dp.la/search?q=Nellie+Tayloe+Ross.

Lucht, Tracy, and Chelsea Davis. “Gender, Race, and Place in Newspaper Coverage of Women ‘Firsts’ after the Nineteenth Amendment.” Journalism History 47, no. 4 (October 2, 2021): 333–52. doi:10.1080/00947679.2021.1982564.

Citations

1. Bettmann Archive/Getty Images, Governor Nellie Tayloe Ross Opens Gimbels, Philadelphia, featuring Ellis Gimbel, Governor Ross, and Mayor Kendrick of Philadelphia; Bain News Service, Gov. Nellie T. Ross, [ca. 1915–1920], George Grantham Bain Collection, Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/2014709682/. ︎
2. Teva J. Scheer, Governor Lady: The Life and Times of Nellie Tayloe Ross (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 2005), 27. ︎
3. Wyoming Inaugurates Nellie Tayloe Ross—First Lady Governor in United States,” Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), January 7, 1925, Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress, https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066928/1925-01-07/ed-1/seq-1/. ︎
4. “Her Excellency, The Governess.” The Challis Messenger (Challis, Idaho), January 14, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88056159/1925-01-14/ed-1/seq-3/. ︎
5. Evening Star (Washington, D.C.), January 18, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1925-01-18/ed-1/seq-96/. ︎
6. “Beat Texas to It, and Elect Woman Governor,” The Buffalo Voice (Buffalo, Johnson County, WY), October 17, 1924. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92067096/1924-10-17/ed-1/seq-1/. ︎
7. Mike Mackey, “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics,” Journal of the West 42, no. 3 (2003): 26. ︎
8. Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995), 32-35. ︎
9. Scheer, Governor Lady, 74. ︎
10. “Armed Prohibition Force Guards Gov. Nellie Ross,” The Washington Post (1923-1954), April 11, 1925. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post, pg. 1. ︎
11. Dumenil, Modern Temper, 229. ︎
12. Mackey, “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics,” 28. ︎
13. “Gov. Ross Removes Loomis from Office.” Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), June 17, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066928/1925-06-17/ed-1/seq-4/ ︎
14. Mackey, “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics,” 30. ︎
15. “Wyoming Senate Rejects Child Labor Amendm’t.” The Cody Enterprise (Cody, Wyo.), January 21, 1925. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066929/1925-01-21/ed-1/seq-1/. ︎
16. Scheer, Governor Lady, 83. ︎
17. Dumenil, Modern Temper, 105.
    ︎
18. “Clean Politics Urged On Women.” Evening Star (Washington, D.C.), December 2, 1926. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1926-12-02/ed-1/seq-27/. ︎
19. “Matrimony Is Proper Thing,” Brownsville Herald (Brownsville, Tex.), March 28, 1926, Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress, https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn86063730/1926-03-28/ed-1/seq-5/. ︎
20. Virginia Scharff, “Feminism, Femininity, and Power: Nellie Tayloe Ross and the Woman Politician’s Dilemma,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 15, no. 3 (1995): 88. ︎
21. Scharff, “Feminism, Femininity, and Power,” 88. ︎
22. “Woman Governor Sees No Havoc in Vote for Her Sex: Merely Opens Door…,” The Washington Post (1923-1954), January 24, 1926. ProQuest Historical Newspapers: The Washington Post, pg. A7. ︎
23. Nellie Tayloe Ross for Governor, postcard, 1926, Catalog No. 2004.025.0005, Rockpile Museum, accessed March 21, 2025, https://rockpilemuseum.pastperfectonline.com/archive/E78C4C54-6A62-4033-A6E8-793416583805. ︎
24. Bettmann Archive, Nellie Ross and Eleanor Roosevelt, photograph, July 1928. ︎
25. Mackey, “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics,” 31. ︎
26. “Prominent Wyoming Lady Says Mrs. Ross Not Entitled to Woman Vote—Sympath Not Issue,” The Cody Enterprise and the Park County Herald (Cody, Wyo.), October 13, 1926. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers, Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn92066930/1926-10-13/ed-1/seq-4/. ︎
27. Dumenil, Modern Temper, 29. ︎

grlynn

Grlynn is a Ramapo College senior majoring in history

Women’s lives had changed significantly from the late 19th century into the 1920s. They became more involved in politics and increasingly joined the workforce. This challenged the traditional ideas of women’s roles within society. Social and sexual norms surrounding women had also changed, leading to new ideas about womanhood and femininity. Many women had moved away from restrictive clothing of the Victorian era, as seen with the example of flappers. 

In the 1920s, Nellie Tayloe Ross achieved a historic title. She was elected Governor of Wyoming in 1924. She took office in 1925, becoming the first woman to ever serve as a governor in the U.S.A. Ross represents the “new woman” but in a way that differs from the stereotypical image of the carefree flappers of the 1920s. She was an older woman actively involved in politics. During the late 19th century and into the 1920s, women had entered the political arena. They became political actors, supported suffrage, and sought progressive and urban reforms. One popular reform was prohibition, a law infamously tied to the image of the 1920s. Ross was one of these women. She was a firm supporter of prohibition. Ross had believed that the consumer was just as guilty as the bootlegger. She was even once requested to authorize an investigation of the Park County Sheriff, who had been accused of accepting pay from an alleged bootlegger. 

The “new woman” of the 1920s would agree on one thing: women’s roles within society were changing, and their roles would be different from the old restrictive version of womanhood. However, this did not prevent disagreement and tension. Women’s ideas of feminism and women’s rights were sometimes at odds. Some women, like Julia Lathrop and Frances Perkins, believed in women’s distinctiveness. They believed that women needed special protections that aligned with their sex. While many women supported the Equal Rights Amendment, which promoted equal rights between men and women, many women like Lathrop and Perkins felt indifferent to it. They feared this would create barriers to sex-based labor legislation that specifically protected working women. Ross is an example of a woman who possessed different ideas of women’s newfound roles and power. Feminists and suffragists did view Ross’ election as a victory and a step towards women’s political voices. However, some women’s rights movement leaders were disappointed with Ross’ refusal to prioritize her influence on the movement. She believed in women’s capabilities within the political field but was not a “hardcore feminist”. Echoing the traditional views during the previous century, she stated that a woman’s role as a wife and mother was of the highest importance. She would become cautious with her involvement in feminism because of its negative image within the politics of the time. This cautiousness prevented her from appointing more women in government positions. Nevertheless, Ross firmly believed in women’s roles within the political sphere. While she promoted femininity, she sought to prove it did not have to dismiss a woman’s right to exercise political power. Her status as the first woman governor still inspired other “new women” to get involved in the field of politics. 

Bibliography

Bettmann Archive. USA: Clara Bow in Get Your Man. 1927. Photograph. Bettmann Archive. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/clara-bow-in-get-your-man-news-photo/514892606.

Bettmann Archive. Portrait of Actress Louise Brooks. Photograph. Bettmann Archive. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/actress-louise-brooks-poses-for-a-portrait-session-in-news-photo/514205164.

Evening Star (Washington, D.C.). October 24, 1929. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn83045462/1929-10-24/ed-1/seq-3/.

Bettmann Archive. Activist Julia Clifford Lathrop Posing with Her Supporters. Photograph. https://www.gettyimages.com/detail/news-photo/julia-clifford-lathrop-lead-the-way-for-improving-american-news-photo/517294142.

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York: Hill and Wang, 1995.

Mackey, Mike. “Nellie Tayloe Ross and Wyoming Politics.” Journal of the West 42, no. 3 (2003): 25–34. https://research-ebsco-com.library2.ramapo.edu:2443/linkprocessor/plink?id=f5cae36e-3b49-3ace-ba5b-0cabe6b1f206.

Scharff, Virginia. “Feminism, Femininity, and Power: Nellie Tayloe Ross and the Woman Politician’s Dilemma.” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 15, no. 3 (1995): 87–106. https://doi.org/10.2307/3346786.

grlynn

Grlynn is a Ramapo College senior majoring in history

Going into the 1920s, the world had been shocked by the horrors of World War I due to the gruesome and horrifying nature of the weapons used. This includes the use of chemicals such as chlorine, phosgene, and mustard gases, all of which were used heavily by both sides during the war and were responsible for an estimated 100,000 deaths and 1.3 million injuries.¹ In response, many countries were looking for a solution to prevent further suffering in conflicts. On June 17, 1925, the Geneva Protocol was signed, prohibiting the use of Asphyxiating, Poisonous, Bacteriological, and other dangerous gases. ²The Geneva Protocol and its effects on the 1920s and future decades, while seldom studied, provides a look into how the impact of the “Great War” was felt in the years following it. The Geneva Protocol as a response to World War I also provides an insight into how those at the forefront of the war, both diplomatically and physically, were able to shape its creation and set a standard for anti-war sentiment in the 1920s. This article analyzes the contents of the Geneva Protocol, as well as its effect on the 1920s and its importance in the future Geneva Convention.

Background of Chemical Weapons Used in World War I

The context of the time period that led to the creation of the Geneva Protocol is a reaction to the damage caused by World War I as a whole and specifically the use of chemical weapons. World War I differed from any war that had arose before it, partially due to new inventions. While new vehicles such as tanks and planes were being implemented in war for the first time, one of the most dangerous weapons for a soldier on the battlefield was the many new chemical weapons, such as the infamous mustard gas, which would quickly and efficiently put an end to a soldier’s life, given they did not have a gas mask. These gases would seep into the soldier’s lungs and burn them until they were unable to breathe, all the while causing immense pain the moment, they breathed in even a small amount of it.³

History Prior to the Geneva Protocol

After World War I and the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, many countries began to turn their attention to other aspects of the war that made it so horrifying. In the case of the U.S., the Conference on the Limitation of Armament was held in Washington D.C., which confirmed many of the sentiments that the U.S. government felt came out of the war. The conference showed that most of the American people were strongly against the use of poisonous gases in war, with 385,170 of Americans voting in favor of gas warfare abolition, and only 169 in favor of allowing it. The voices of the people were so prominent that the U.S. decided to ignore the advice of a chairman representing the country in the Subcommittee of Chemical Warfare and ratified the treaty⁵. While the U.S. had ratified the In the United States, France, who also had two members in the committee, declined to ratify the treaty due to its provisions on submarine use.⁶ The idea of ratifying a treaty that banned chemical weapons would lay dormant for three years until 1925. Prior to this, the League of Nations would classify chemical agents into three categories: toxic agents, asphyxiating gases, and irritant gases, and would also study their effects on plant life, but no talk of ratifying anything yet.⁷ In 1925, there were talks about implementing a treaty that would ban the use of chemical weapons in war. At the Conference for the Supervision of International Trade in Arms and Ammunition and in Implements of War, the Geneva Protocol was first drafted. The first draft would not include certain details, like the control of exports of chemical weapons, but these details would be added into future iterations.⁸

Contents of the Geneva Protocol

The Geneva Protocol, officially known as the “Protocol for the Prohibition of the Use in War of Asphyxiating, Poisonous or Other Gases, and of Bacteriological Methods of Warfare”, contains simple yet important declarations and demands for the world. ¹⁰The Geneva Protocol calls for the prohibition of asphyxiating and poisonous gases, as well as any other gas or liquid that “has been justly condemned by the general opinion of the civilized world.¹¹ Also written in the Geneva Protocol is a request for its demands to become accepted as international law, and to be upheld as such in the future.¹² The implementation of the Geneva Protocol as “International Law” is very interesting, as the idea of international programs such as the League of Nations was new, making this one of the earliest attempts at trying to enforce something internationally. The Geneva Protocol could have been a landmark event in the history of international law, had it had been followed in World War II. An important point to note is that the prohibition of all chemical weapons only applies during war, and the use of chemical weapons outside of war is allowed by the Geneva Protocol. The Geneva Protocol also outlined how it would deal with international conflict come a situation where two or more countries were to wage war, if there were signs of conflict. Article 12 of the Geneva Protocol states that countries in a dispute that may lead to a war “will submit the matter either to arbitration or judicial settlement or to enquiry by the Council” and are only allowed to fight each other as long as they have an award from the arbitrators or from the council that allows them to fight.¹³ In Article 15 of the Geneva Protocol, it states that two countries that do not reach out to arbitration who are on the verge of a war will have a full investigation of their situation performed.¹⁴ The Geneva Protocol extended past a simple ban of chemical weapons and also acted as a system to prevent wars between countries that signed off on the Geneva Protocol, all of which were also in the League of Nations.

While there were many fewer countries that ratified the Geneva Protocol in the 1920s, the ones that did were at the center of global conflict at the time. Countries who signed the Geneva Protocol had to meet a few requirements before they were able to sign it. Firstly, any country that wanted to sign the Geneva Protocol had to be a member of the League of Nations, as it would be impossible for a country not to agree with and be a member of the League of Nations while also agreeing with the Geneva Protocol. If the Geneva Protocol were to pass, then countries would be split into three groups: members of the League of Nations who signed the Geneva Protocol, members of the League of Nations who have not signed it, and countries who are not members of the League of Nations.¹⁵ The majority of the ratifications come from Europe, with major countries such as Austria, Belgium, France, Germany, Finland, Italy, Russia, and Turkey ratifying during the 1920s. There are also a few ratifications from countries outside of Europe, such as the U.S., Egypt, Liberia, and Venezuela. () There was a collective consensus from countries across the world to set some limit on the weapons that are used during war to prevent the suffering of soldiers to some degree, though the restrictions that came along with said agreement may have been too much for some countries at first, as it took a while for many countries to be in agreement with the terms of the Geneva Protocol.

The Importance of the “Lost Generation” to the Geneva Protocol

The Lost Generation is the youth that had to fight in World War I. The way of life of the Lost Generation was completely altered after World War I, and this can be seen through the writings and ideas that began to gain traction among the new generation. One example of this among the Lost Generation is the interest that they took in the writings of Sigmund Freud, an author whose ideas on concepts such as the unconscious brought him to popularity to the point where he became a household name.¹⁷ There was also an increase of popularity in certain forms of psychology, one of which being behaviorism, or the study of human behavior, which claimed that humans were shells that were molded from their environment.¹⁸ The connection between a generation that was torn apart by chemical weapons in warfare and ideas of humans being formed by their environment is very sound, though these ideas were unpopular among the older generations. Lastly, the acceptance of science by this generation was at an all-time high, with Einstein’s theory of relativity being published and positively received, even though it was a reality-changing theory that would reshape the way humans looked at the world around them.¹⁹ This new “Lost Generation” was very interested in ideas that were seen as troubling to previous generations due to the horrific circumstances that World War I brought about.

Not only was the Lost Generation more interested in sciences and psychology more than any generation before them, but they were also very vocal against the implementation of chemical weapons in war. Both those from the Lost Generation and those from other generations gave their thoughts on chemical weapons in warfare during the previously mentioned Washington Conference, which was a big motivator for the creation of the Geneva Protocol. The people also reacted very positively to announcements on the creation of the Geneva Protocol, with multiple newspaper issues being published with articles stressing the importance of the Geneva Protocol and giving updates on the countries that wanted to sign it.²¹ While the lack of proper implementation of the Geneva Protocol itself makes gathering reactions from people hard, it can be assumed that the those affected by the chemical weapons of World War I would have reacted positively, had the Geneva Protocol been put into action, it would have definitely been received positively.

Significance

The Geneva Protocol served not only as the first attempt at implementing a ban on weapons of war but also served as one of the first forms of international law. The Geneva Protocol represents the initial response to the shock that World War I brought to the world, and even though the Geneva Protocol did not hold up, it acted as a steppingstone to future implementations of international law. The Geneva Protocol also contains many declarations hidden in the lines of its many articles that justify its standing as one of the earliest attempts at international law. While the Geneva Protocol acted as a treaty to ban the use of asphyxiating, poisonous, and bacteriological gases, it also contained many restrictions on those who signed that resemble modern forms of international governing systems such as the United Nations (UN). Ideas such as having a council to deal with conflicts being written into a treaty on the banning of chemical weapons in war is very interesting, as it is a form of international law that was, and still is, ahead of its time. While these ideas were ahead of their time, they would have proved to be unsustainable if there was any attempt to implement the Geneva Protocol, especially during World War II.

               The existence of the Geneva Protocol itself stands as a signifier of just how much the times had changed from the previous century, as the concept of something like the Geneva Protocol would have been very fringe in the late 19^th century, and non-existent at any time before that. The change from weapons that were meant to kill, to weapons that were meant to efficiently incapacitate and kill soldiers in the most painful way imaginable was one that the entire world was not ready for. While the finer details of the Geneva Protocol may have seemed extreme for a treaty meant to ban chemical weapons, it was an attempt by international law to ensure a better future for the next generation.

Timeline

Bibliography

Footnotes

1. Moore, John Norton. “Ratification of the Geneva Protocol on Gas and Bacteriological Warfare: A Legal and Political Analysis.” Virginia Law Review 58, no. 3 (1972): p. 430. ︎
2. Baxter, R. R., and Thomas Buergenthal. “Legal Aspects of the Geneva Protocol of 1925.” The American Journal of International Law 64, no. 5 (1970): p. 2. ︎
3. “Gas Warfare.” The British Medical Journal 1, no. 3828 (1934): p. 903 ︎
4. “Types of Gas Masks Used by the Various Armies During the World War.” Bulletin of the United States Chemical Warfare Association, April 15, 1925, No. 10. ︎
5. Jones, Daniel P. “American Chemists and the Geneva Protocol.” Isis 71, no. 3 (1980): p. 428 ︎
6. Jones, Daniel P. “American Chemists and the Geneva Protocol.” Isis 71, no. 3 (1980): p. 429 ︎
7. Moore, John Norton. “Ratification of the Geneva Protocol on Gas and Bacteriological Warfare” Virginia Law Review 58, no. 3 (1972): p. 456, 465 ︎
8. Baxter, R. R., and Thomas Buergenthal. “Legal Aspects of the Geneva Protocol of 1925.” The American Journal of International Law 64, no. 5 (1970): p. 2 ︎
9. Ewing, Harris &. “[The Conference on Limitation of Armaments, Washington, D.C.].” Library of Congress, January 1, 1970. ︎
10. U.S. Department of State. Accessed March 26, 2025. https://2009-2017.state.gov/t/isn/4784.htm. ︎
11. U.S. Department of State. Accessed March 26, 2025. https://2009-2017.state.gov/t/isn/4784.htm. ︎
12. U.S. Department of State. Accessed March 26, 2025. https://2009-2017.state.gov/t/isn/4784.htm. ︎
13. Miller, David Hunter. The Geneva Protocol. Miami, FL: Hardpress Publishing, 2016. p. 18 ︎
14. Miller, David Hunter. The Geneva Protocol. Miami, FL: Hardpress Publishing, 2016. p. 19 ︎
15. Miller, David Hunter. The Geneva Protocol. Miami, FL: Hardpress Publishing, 2016. p. 13 ︎
16. Associated Press. “Geneva Protocol Issue Is Raised.” The Evening Star. February 17, 1925. ︎
17. Dumenil, Lynn. The modern temper: American culture and society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. p. 146 ︎
18. Dumenil, Lynn. The modern temper: American culture and society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. p. 146 ︎
19. Dumenil, Lynn. The modern temper: American culture and society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. p. 147 ︎
20. Martin, William. “Geneva Protocol Success Declared in Hands of U.S.” The Evening Star. March 10, 1928. ︎
21. Associated Press. “Geneva Protocol Issue Is Raised.” The Evening Star. February 17, 1925. ︎

dthomson

Duncan Thomson is a History Major and Museum and Exhibition Studies minor at Ramapo College of New Jersey.

In 1924 the United States passed the Johnson-Reed Immigration Act that drastically decreased the number of immigrants allowed into the U.S. through the implementation of a quota system. The Immigration Act established both the Visa process and was the beginning stricter border security protocols being introduced. The quota system disproportionately favored Western countries in Europe as countries such as the United Kingdom received higher quotas, whereas Southern and Eastern European countries received stricter quotas. The document “Letter Regarding the Immigration Act of 1924” was written by Portugeese-American Manuel S. Amaral in 1925 as a response to the quota set on immigrants from Portugal. The Immigration Act granted Portugal a total of 440 immigrants per fiscal year to be allowed to enter the United States. Authored on behalf of 200,000 Portugeese-American citizens living in California, Amaral requests the U.S. government amend the Immigration Act to allow more Portugeese to enter the country. The letter was sent to James J. Davis who served as the U.S. Secretary of Labor from 1921 to 1930. Under this role Davis was responsible for carrying out the actions established by the Immigration Act. 

I selected this document because of its significance to the Immigration Act of 1924 and showcases how American immigrants resisted the act throughout the 1920s. The letter offers insight into the Portugeese-American experience in California and presents arguments against the quota act through the lense of immigrant farmers out West.

Document

Document Text

Hon. James J. Davis,¹

Dept. of Labor,

Washington, D.C.

November 25, 1925.

Dear Sirs:

In the name of 200,000 Portugese people, citizens of California, we beg to enlist your endeavour to have amended the Immigration Act, which limits the admission into this country to 500 Portugese each year. Or if this means of solving the pressing problem be impracticable to find some other way to overcome the hardship which this limitation  places upon one or more of California’s leading industries.

We beg to remind you that approximately 90 per cent of the Portuguese population in California came from the Azores and Madeira Islands. They emigrated to California to make their homes, rear their families, live the lives of good citizens and to educate their children to follow in their footsteps. They are an industrious, frugal, home-loving people and comprise and one of the most useful and patriotic elements of our composite population. There is not a more law-abiding class of citizens in our State or one that is more uniformly contributive to substantial development of its basic industries and the spiritual, social and material advancement of the commonwealth.

In the great Valleys of the State, in the foothills and plains, the Portuguese people will be found successfully engaged in diversified agriculture, truck farming, dairying and horticulture. They have reclaimed the virgin land and developed it to that high state of productivity which contributes so largely to the wealth of the State and the Nation. They have clung to the soil, and constitute one of the greatest and most dependable factors in the conservation of the most important of all California industries- the farm.

Many of the largest dairies in the State are operated by the Portugese who are naturally adapted to that line of work, as experience proves. There are approximately 3,500 Portugese dairies in California and the labor involved is in large measure performed by the families  of the owners. In the face of existing labor conditions, it would be utterly impossible to replace these workers with other help. Americans of other racial extractions cannot be induced to labor in the various agricultural pursuits, especially in the arduous work of the dairy, despite the high wages prevailing. This is patent to anyone familiar with the situation in all lines of agricultural operation.

With the immigration quota as low as that now permitted to Portugal, our Portuguese farmers and dairymen find it impossible to overcome the losses and wastage of the necessary help to continue their business, from other available sources.

We appeal, therefore, to out California representatives in the Congress to use their best endeavors to relieve a condition that threatens thousands of out Portugese farmers- these industrious and constructive citizens from The Azores and Madeira Islands- and their families, with financial ruin and a loss annually to the State and Nation of millions of dollars. Whether this relief comes from the admittance of more willing and competent workers in this field from Portugal or through other means is immaterial so long as the essential objective is attained.

May we ask you, therefore, to give this vital problem to the best interests of the foremost industry of California the serious consideration that it deserves?

Respectfully yours,

Mr Manuel S. Amaral

Citations and Sources

Letter to James J. Davis, Department of Labor, from Portuguese Citizens of California Regarding the Immigration Act of 1924; 11/25/1925, Records of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, Record Group 85; National Archives Building, Washington, D.C. https://www.docsteach.org/documents/document/letter-immigration-act-1924

The Immigration Act of 1924(brief overview): https://history.state.gov/milestones/1921-1936/immigration-act

Lauren S

Senior History and American Studies student at Ramapo College of New Jersey enrolled in Discovering Digital History course taught by Dr. Hajo during Spring 2021.

Towards the very beginning of 1925, the Tennessee state legislature approved a bill that banned the teaching of any theory that went against the story of Divine Creation, as taught in the Bible. John Scopes, a high school science teacher living and working in Dayton, Tennessee, agreed to be put on trial for violating the law in order to bring attention to its unconstitutional basis. 

Throughout the trial, both Clarence Darrow, Scopes’ attorney, and William Jennings Bryan, the prosecutor representing the state of Tennessee, interviewed and cross-examined several witnesses. The document below features portions of Darrow’s cross-examinations of four witnesses, the superintendent of the high school, two of Scopes’ students, and an esteemed member of the community. The written transcript of the witnesses’ testimonies proves the absurdity of the Tennessee law and helps demonstrate why Scopes got off with the most inconsequential punishment for the crime. In regard to the larger narrative of the 1920s, this record demonstrates the transition in America from a country based on religious fundamentalism to one with secular beliefs and institutions.     

Record of Witness Testimony Document

Document Text

VIII

The Witnesses

Having presented the opening statement of the prosecution, the State called upon its first witness, Superintendent White of the Dayton public schools. He testified that he had talked with Mr. Scopes¹ the day before the latter’s arrest:

“I told him that he had violated the law, but he said he had to teach science², and the law was unconstitutional anyway.”

On cross-examination, the witness admitted that the textbook, Hunter’s “Civic Biology³,” from which the defendant taught, had been specified for school use by the State School Book Commission.

When Mr. Darrow⁴ read sections from this book concerning evolution, Mr. Stewart⁵ offered a King James version of the Bible in evidence.⁶ Mr. Hays⁷ objected, asking: “What is the Bible? Who is to say this King James version is the Bible? The prosecution must tell us.” When the Court overruled the objection, the Bible was admitted as an exhibit.⁸  

Howard Morgan, 14 years of age, a pupil of Mr. Scopes, testified that the defendant had told his class that “in the beginning the earth was too hot for any life, it had cooled off, then the sea and land were formed, plant life in the sea began with a one-celled animal, which finally evoluted until it got bigger and a land animal and then got to be a man”; and that the teacher had classified man as a mammal, along with horses, cats, dogs, and other animals.

Cross-examined by Mr. Darrow, the boy could not tell what his teacher had meant by “classified.”

Mr. Darrow-He didn’t say a cat became a man, did he?

Howard-He said that man had reasoning powers and the other animals didn’t.

Mr. Darrow-There’s no doubt about that [Laughter], but we’ll let it pass if he said it. Did he tell you mammals were cats, dogs, elephants, horses, and whales?

Howard-I don’t know about whales.

Mr. Darrow-Never saw a whale suckle its young?

Howard-No, sir.

Mr. Darrow-Did he ever tell you anything else wicked?

Howard-Mr. Scopes said the earth was once a molten mass of liquid.

Mr. Darrow-That it melted?

Howard- Yes, sir.

Mr. Darrow-That it slowly cooled, a crust formed, soul came, grass grew, the first life in the sea developed into the highest form, man? That’s about what he taught?

Howard-Yes, sir.

Mr. Darrow-Did it hurt you any?

Howard-No, sir.

Harry Shelton, 17, on direct examination testified about as Howard did as to the Scopes teaching, and on cross-examination said his teacher had told him all life came from a single cell.

Mr. Darrow-Any one ever tell you different?

Harry-No, sir.

Mr. Darrow-You, a church member, still belong, still believe in church although you were told all life comes from a single cell?

Harry-Yes, sir.⁹

F. E. Robinson¹⁰, owner of the Dayton drug store, testified that he had sold the biological textbook in question for several years.

Mr. Darrow-Notice any signs of moral deterioration in the community since you’ve been selling them?

Mr. Robinson-No. [Laughter]   

Here the state, although it had five other witnesses ready, rested its case.¹¹

Sources

• Allen, Leslie H. Bryan and Darrow at Dayton. The Record and Documents of the “Bible-Evolution Trial”. New York: Arthur Lee & Company, 1925.
• HathiTrust. “Bryan and Darrow at Dayton: the Record and Documents of the “Bible-Evolution Trial“. University of Michigan. Accessed April 2021.

Additional Sources

• American Civil Liberties Union. “State of Tennessee V. Scopes.” ACLU. Accessed April 2021.
• Millstein, Roberta L. “Evolution.” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. 2019.
• PublicBroadcasting Service. “John Scopes.” American Experience, PBS. Accessed February 2021.
• “Tom Stewart.” Wikipedia. Last modified December 19, 2020.
• “Why the King James Bible of 1611 Remains the Most Popular Translation in History.” The History Channel. Last modified April 16, 2019.

Rachel Olivo

Rachel is a junior at Ramapo College of New Jersey taking Discovering Digital History in the Spring of 2021. She is studying History and Education and is looking forward to becoming a teacher after graduating.