In 2007, David J. Goldberg, a white professor of history at Cleveland State University,  provided an overview of the evolving way in which historians have analyzed the 1920s in his historiographical work entitled “Rethinking the 1920s: Historians and Changing Perspectives.” He highlights the manner in which there has been a shift from a focus on political history to a more holistic image of the divisions of American society during that decade.¹ 

A little over 10 years later, white Progressive Era historian at the University of Massachusetts Amherst Jennifer Fronc published “The 1920s – A Historiographical Survey” in 2018. Fronc takes an even more aggressive historiographical approach, as she criticizes previous historical analyses that viewed it as a distinct historical unit and focuses on the lavishness typically associated with those years. She then details the manner in which a more intersectional analysis of the 1920s, using the lenses of race, class, gender and sexuality, is necessary to properly understand the 1920s. Fronc supports Rebecca Edwards’ “long Progressive Era model” when discussing the new turn 1920s history is taking.² 

Comparing & Contrasting

The key similarity between Goldlberg’s and Fronc’s historiographical analysis of the 1920s is that they note a recent change in which historians are shifting from a surface-level perspective of the decade, whether it be politics or excessiveness, to a holistic consideration of how different social groups were impacted by and shaped events in the 1920s. Specifically, Goldberg demonstrates how historians have analyzed 1920s politics, business, prohibition, white supremacy, immigration, African-Americans, women, gay communities, and media.⁴ Similarly, Fronc focuses on the manner in which recent historians have supported a more diverse perspective on prohibition, women’s suffrage, African-American movements outside of the Harlem Renaissance, and immigration.⁵ 

Despite there only being a decade-long gap between the two articles’ publication, there are some notable differences. For example, Goldberg did not capture the importance of intersectionality, or the manner in which multiple identities intersect to create unique situations, in historical considerations of the 1920s. However this can be attributed to the fact that this only emerged as an analytical category in the 1990s. Goldberg further viewed the decade as a distinctive era, while Fronc preferred to view it as a part of an extended Progressive Era. Additionally, Fronc mainly discussed works published in the 1980s onward, while Goldberg’s historiographical examination included works that were published as early as the 1930s. This may be because she wished to go more in depth on recent scholarship that have not received as much historiographical attention.

Historiographical Changes

When comparing the types of sources referred to by Fronc and Goldberg in their historiographical examination of the 1920s, it becomes clear that different themes come in and out of focus in different decades. For example, with consideration to Goldberg’s sources, from the 1960s-1970s, most historians were focused on the politics of the 1920s. By the 1980s, historians seemed to take a particular interest in African-American history of the 1920s, and this swell occurred again in the 2000s. In between those two decades, historical analysis of women in the 1920s gained popularity in the 1990s. Fronc’s sources are a bit more limited due to the fewer thematic focuses and the fact that she did not use sources from before the 1980s, so it is a bit less representative of historiographical development. With that said, for all of Fronc’s sources from the 1980s-2010s, histories on African-Americans outnumbered all other themes, with the exception of the 2000s, when there was an equal number of sources on women and African-Americans. However, this is without considering the intersectionality of many of these historical works, as many used multiple different lenses. 

Due to the fact that both of these articles are more recent, the reader is able to see how more diverse historical research is pursued with regard to the 1920s, particularly in the 1980s and beyond. With that said, research on immigration is woefully underrepresented, despite the important developments that occurred in the 1920s for immigrant communities. This may be because immigration became a more important issue in society by 2017, making it so there are not as many historical analyses that focus on it. In the timeline of both Fronc’s and Goldberg’s historiographical surveys, immigration-focused works sparsely appear in historical pieces starting in the 1980s. One may anticipate an increase in immigration-focused historical works about the 1920s in the future, considering how pertinent that subject is today. 

Learning about how past history has been written is essential to understanding history now, as different subjects will be emphasized over others depending on new developments in the field and the importance of such history to contemporary events. In analyzing what has been studied, one can also better determine what areas need further development, and thus improve historical knowledge of that era. 

Bibliography

African American boy selling The Washington Daily News – sign on his hat reads, “Have you read The News? One cent” – headline reads “Millionaire tax rends G.O.P.” November 8, 1921. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:African_American_boy_selling_The_Washington_Daily_News.png. 

Cheney Johnston, Alfred. Muriel Finley (aka Murrel Finely). 1927. Wikimedia Commons . https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Muriel_Finley_(aka_Murrel_Finely)_-_1920s_-_by_Alfred_Cheney_Johnston.jpg. 

Fronc, Jennifer. “The 1920s–A Historiographical Survey.” Routledge History of the United States, 2018, 15–24. 

Goldberg, David J. “Rethinking the 1920S: Historians and Changing Perspectives.” OAH Magazine of History 21, no. 3 (2007): 7–10. https://doi.org/https://www.jstor.org/stable/25162122. 

1.  David J. Goldberg, “Rethinking the 1920s: Historians and Changing Perspectives,” OAH Magazine of History 21, no. 3 (2007): 7–10, https://www.jstor.org/stable/25162122. ︎
2.  Jennifer Fronc, “The 1920s–A Historiographical Survey,” Routledge History of the United States, 2018, 15–24. ︎
3. Alfred Cheney Johnston, Muriel Finley (Aka Murrel Finely), 1927, Wikimedia Commons, 1927, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Muriel_Finley_(aka_Murrel_Finely)_-_1920s_-_by_Alfred_Cheney_Johnston.jpg. ︎
4.  Goldberg, “Rethinking the 1920s,” 7–10. ︎
5.  Fronc, “The 1920s,” 15–24. ︎
6.  African American Boy Selling The Washington Daily News – Sign on His Hat Reads, “Have You Read The News? One Cent” – Headline Reads “Millionaire Tax Rends G.O.P.,” November 8, 1921, Wikimedia Commons, November 8, 1921, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:African_American_boy_selling_The_Washington_Daily_News.png. ︎

stefanieviera

Stefanie Viera is a 3rd year History and Humanities & Global Studies double major who is taking the Discovering Digital History course in the spring of 2025. She currently work at the Jane Addams Papers Project as an Editorial Assistant.

          Growing up as part Native American and part African-American in the early 20th century, Bessie Coleman was a prime example of the struggles of handling a pluralistic identity during the 1920s. During the 1920s, having multiple identities was difficult for people as the public was unable to see people’s multiple identities, like being both Black and American, or German and Jewish, or Chinese and a woman. As the first Black woman to fly an airplane and the first Black person to hold an international pilot’s license, Bessie Coleman strived to help improve the opinions of Black people in professional fields as she broke the glass ceiling in the aviation field.¹ She had the similar mindset to other Civil Rights activists during the 1920s, which was that the issue of “twoness could be resolved–that they could be both American and black, without sacrificing either.”² The struggle of handling pluralism and American identity was apparent throughout the entire decade, as people felt forced to choose between their two identities. But activists like Bessie Coleman fought to minimize that struggle for future generations.

Bessie Coleman, like many other Black Americans during the 1920s, moved from the South to Chicago during the Great Migration. Searching for better job opportunities and an escape from the severity of the Jim Crow South, she was a part of the “burgeoning black population in northern cities [that] had led to the growth of a middle class which seemed to represent the potential of the race.”³ Because so many Black people were moving from Southern cities to the North, they banded together in ethnic enclaves, similar to many other minority groups and immigrants. In these enclaves, they had better opportunities for work and for social mobility than they had in the South with strict Jim Crow laws. Even though Black people in the North faced the same segregation that they faced in the South, the community they built in cities like Chicago and New York City allowed Black migrants the ability to obtain jobs they could not have in the South. This combination of community and pluralistic identity gave the opportunity for a certain level of social mobility that would have been unobtainable for them previously. 

Black professionals like Bessie Coleman with her national successes—even if she had to go overseas for her education—inspired other Black professionals to strive for the same level of recognition. Especially when supported by Black Newspapers like the Chicago Defender, which emphasized Black achievements, people within the community could read about others achievements, and recognize, in the words of W. E. B. Du Bois “that African Americans had the capabilities to be educated, and moreover, to be equal citizens.”⁴ Bessie promoted these same ideals; not only did she refuse to perform at shows where Black people were not allowed admission, but she also “was determined to bolster black pride. She was supported in this by a black press that seized on her image as both role model and grist for editorials promoting black equality.”⁵ The large number of Black Newspapers that arose during a time in which the Harlem Renaissance was booming and Black culture in general was receiving more recognition not just in black communities but in slowly in white communities as well, shows how there was a small change in beliefs in recognition that Black people could be successful in the arts as well. 

Bessie Coleman’s life and death fits into the broader historical context of the 1920s because even though she was an extremely successful Black woman, and her death was widely recognized in Black Newspapers, like this Chicago Defender article to the right, and it was generally ignored in White newspapers, or downplayed as the newspaper focused on the death of her younger, less advanced white co-pilot, William Wills. 

 Similar to other successful Black people during the 1920s, her achievements were not widely recognized until years after her death. And while she struggled to make a name for herself in the white, male-dominated field of aviation, she concurrently worked to ensure that Black patrons had a space at her shows. Bessie carefully balanced her two-fronted fight “in defense of equal rights for blacks in a white-dominated society and equal rights for black women in a male-dominated black society.”⁶ Similar to other activists during the 1920s like Ida B. Wells or W. E. B. Du Bois, Bessie had to juggle her pluralistic identities and her professional goals.  Even though Bessie was a number of “firsts,” she was not the only Black person, or the only Black woman, who was pushing the boundaries during the 1920s and rising above the expectations society had for them. Just like other minorities in the 20th century, Bessie had to work harder than many other white people, and most of her accomplishments were not recognized until after her death. But, she helped pave the way for minorities in the years to follow. 

Bibliography

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. 

Rich, Doris L. 1993. Queen Bess: Daredevil Aviator. Smithsonian Institution Press (Washington, D.C.). 

Slotnik, Daniel E. “Overlooked No More: Bessie Coleman, Pioneering African-American Aviatrix.” The New York Times, December 11, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/11/obituaries/bessie-coleman-overlooked.html.

1. Slotnik, Daniel E. “Overlooked No More: Bessie Coleman, Pioneering African-American Aviatrix.” The New York Times, December 11, 2019. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/12/11/obituaries/bessie-coleman-overlooked.html.  ︎
2. Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. United States: 
   Hill and Wang, 2024, 294. ︎
3. Dumenil, 286. ︎
4. Dumenil, 289. ︎
5. Rich, Doris L. 1993. Queen Bess: Daredevil Aviator. Smithsonian Institution Press, (Washington, D.C.), 60 ︎
6. Rich, 60. ︎

hannahsteinlauf

Hannah Steinlauf is a senior history major with a minor in museum and exhibition studies at Ramapo College. She is a student research aide for the Jane Addams Papers Project. She is a member of the Ramapo College Dance Company and Tri Sigma. Hannah is going to attend Trinity College Dublin for a masters degree in Public History after graduation.

Specifically, much of The Weary Blues explored the impact of the progressive reforms such as Prohibtion had on the African American community and culture. Speakeasy and Jazz club culture associated with Harlem in the twenties boomed as a result of the Prohibition era.¹ These speakeasies and clubs were an opportunity for Black artists and musicians to publicly voice their work and beliefs at a time where African Americans were still heavily disenfranchised. Specific institutions, namely The Cotton Club, inspired a few of the poems in the collection such as the title poem “The Weary Blues.” 

Similar to the influence of “The New Woman” as expressed by Lynn Dumenil’s The Modern Temper, the Harlem Renaissance and figures such as Langston Hughes inspired concepts of self-expression, individualism, and advocacy within the Black community. “The New Woman,” as expressed by Dumenil challenged traditional gender roles through their pursuit of education, entering the workforce, and engaging in political activism.² Different political and activist groups such as the National Association of Colored Women continued to grow and assisted the Suffrage Movement. Despite continuous racial prejudices, Black women played a significant role in the Women’s Suffrage movement; “They also viewed it as a way of addressing racial issues such as Jim Crow, male disenfranchisement, and economic discrimination, goals that underlined their view that the elevation of black women was inseparable from racial progress.”³ Despite the positive intentions of these women, they were often met with racism and prejuidice which furthered the racial tension of the twenties. These hardships connected the African American community through shared experiences which brought both Black men and women together to pursue common agendas that addressed the racial injustices of America. Overall, these attitudes prompted the groundwork for celebratory and inclusive movements such as The Harlem Renaissance. The Harlem Renaissance provided these women a space to express their frustrations and passions through art, music, and other creative pursuits. 

Ultimately, the Harlem Renaissance was a response to racial tensions and prejudice aimed to foster and encourage Black identity, creativity, and intellectualism. Langston Hughes used his poetry collection to depict the daily lives and stuggles of African Americans in Harlem during the twenties. The movement would not have been possible without the numerous progressive reforms and ideologies that bloomed in the twenties that allowed for the expression of previously silenced voices. 

1. Drowne, Kathleen. “‘THEAH’S LIFE ANYWHERES THEAH’S BOOZE AND JAZZ’: Home to Harlem and Gingertown in the Context of National Prohibition.” Callaloo 34, no. 3 (2011): 2. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41243200. 
   
   ︎
2. Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. 
   
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3. Dumenil. The Modern Temper. 126.
   
   ︎

Bibliography

Bowery, KGTsays:, Toni Bareasays:, TONE B HURTsays:, and Name. “The Tale of the Cotton Club: ‘The Aristocrat of Harlem.’” The Bowery Boys: New York City History, March 6, 2022. https://www.boweryboyshistory.com/2016/05/tale-cotton-club-aristocrat-harlem.html.

Drowne, Kathleen. “‘THEAH’S LIFE ANYWHERES THEAH’S BOOZE AND JAZZ’: Home to Harlem and Gingertown in the Context of National Prohibition.” Callaloo 34, no. 3 (2011): 2. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41243200. 

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. United States: Hill and Wang, 2024. 

https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgsguZqIxr4c9_PTHHVDu3-DtVZdEI-XK2d-1OKLMbREKhj5MiFQ1y-anVrbjYmMrmns82wOCIKL4yX4Pnbj37H3e5H2hE4WmA1n5u0za7YihFMar23v3qWkkSM0jScAm6QYas1Ofl8kqw/s1600-h/74.

Erin Pryor

Erin Pryor is a History and Philosophy double major in the Honors Program, graduating with the Class of 2025. She is a writing consultant on campus at the Center for Reading and Writing. She is the president of Phi Alpha Theta history honors society and a member of Phi Alpha Delta pre-law fraternity.

The Nixon Nitration Works was a factory that manifactured highly flamable materials like cellulose nitrate and the lack of supervison in the factory caused the huge disater of March 1, 1924 which destroyed forty buildings and killed twenty people at the company’s New Jersey facility on the Raritan River. After the explosion, the Nixon factory was rebuilt into a smaller factory then kept functioning for a while but Lewis Nixon died due to the exposure of the deadly chemicals. Stanhope Nixon was the son of Lewis Nixon who also took over the factory but his son couldnt keep the busines going causing the closore of the nixon factory after a while the location was donated to the state of New Jersey and has since been re-named Edison, near New Brunswick.

The company was founded by naval architect Lewis Nixon in 1915 to manufacture cellulose nitrate, besides the production of celluloid, this factory used to supply some European nations with gunpowder and other materials for World War 1. When the war ended, these facilities were put to broader uses, were involving other explosive materials and dangerous chemicals The nitrate made the material highly flammable, but at the works cellulose nitrate was maintained in large sheets and had been piled in buildings. Within the works, Nixon leased a building to the Ammonite Company which was salvaging the contents of artillery shells for use as agriculture fertilizer. When the Ammonite building exploded, the shock was felt and the sound heard as far away as Manhattan and Brooklyn. After the initial explosion massive fires spread to other buildings.

Additionally, On March 1, 1924, an explosion, likely originating from an Ammonite Company building within the works that was processing ammonium nitrate from artillery shells, triggered a fire that spread rapidly through the surrounding building The disaster resulted in at least 20 deaths, with dozens more injured, many suffering from severe burns, inhalation of toxic fumes, and blunt force trauma from collapsing buildings and flying debris. Some victims were never recovered due to the intensity of the blast. The explosion leveled approximately 40 buildings within the chemical plant, reducing the once-thriving industrial hub to rubble. Fires burned for hours, fueled by volatile chemicals, making it nearly impossible for firefighters to contain the blaze immediately. Nearby factories and homes were also damaged due to the shockwave and subsequent fires. The explosion released toxic chemicals into the air and local waterways, contaminating soil and water supplies. Given the lack of environmental regulations at the time, the full extent of the damage was not immediately addressed, but the effects likely persisted for years.

The History

The workplace accidents/deaths are connected to how harsh the environment was in the workplace during the 1920s. The United States of America during the 1920s was in the revolutionary era when big factories, industrial work, construction, mining, oil rigs, mechanics, soldiers, hard labor, and big-name companies started to rise. All men had to go to work every day to survive and yet most men died at their jobs in the 1920s. Additionally, workplace injuries/deaths were common, and, in many cases, labor conditions were nothing less than grueling. Moreover, the main cause of death was not because of the jobs, they were due to exposure to harsh/deadly chemicals to the body. People were not as knowledgeable as today and many resources we have today they did not have 100 years ago. For example, men who worked in the mines all died due to Tuberculosis and lung cancer for not having the right oxygen mask protection. Mining is one of the deadliest industries, with cave-ins, explosions, and toxic gas exposure causing many deaths. Factories and manufacturing plants also had unsafe machinery with little to no protective measures, leading to crushing, amputations, and fatal injuries. Additionally, the 1920s had very unsafe workplace safety, leading to early labor protections, but this did not change until stricter regulations and enforcement significantly reduced workplace fatalities, like OSHA, ASSP, ANSI, and CSB. These organizations were designed to protect workers from unsafe work environments. During the 1920s, the jobs were extremely limited when it came to women. Additionally, women were only allowed to work as nurses and teachers during the 1920s but given this, women were not exposed to harsh workplace environments as men did.

In the book, The Modern Temper chapter three mentions how the country was expanding to the consumer culture in the late 1920s causing many new jobs to arise for the automobile factories due to its 3.7 million car production number. Chapter 3 mentioned how in the 1930s the American Federation of Labor was extremely focused on the labor movement and making the work environment safer. Furthermore, the AFL association was extremely racist because it did not help Mexicans, African Americans, Asians, and women. The connection this book has with Nixon’s Nitration Work is about the industrial expansion of evolution in factories and construction. The Nixon Nitration Company was founded by Lewis Nixon in 1915. The factories manufacture cellulose nitrate and the production of celluloid and other early plastics. The nitrate made the material highly flammable, and the cellulose nitrate was supported in large sheets and had been piled in buildings. There was an explosion that started in one of the buildings, and the fire spread taking down a few nearby buildings along with 20 people’s lives. All those chemical materials stored together made the fire spread much quicker. Additionally, this is just one of the many accidents that happened during the 1920s due to unsafe procedures in the workplace.

Map

Over time, the site of the Nixon Nitration Works was redeveloped, with much of the area now consisting of residential and commercial properties. The industrial nature of Nixon faded as Edison, NJ, transformed into a suburban community. Additionally, In 1951, the company downsized and donated 48 acres of land and a dam to the city of New Brunswick. The site of the Nixon Works is now a part of Middlesex County College and the Raritan Center Industrial Park.

The End of the accident

The Nixon Nitration Works disaster of 1924 remains a significant event in the history of industrial accidents in the United States. It was a tragedy that claimed lives, devastated a community, and exposed critical weaknesses in industrial safety procedures. The explosion exposed the dangers associated with chemical manufacturing and the need for better safety measures to protect workers and the public. Additionally, this heartbreaking event ultimately contributed to the evolution of industrial safety regulations and environmental protection policies. Today, industries operate under much stricter guidelines, reducing the likelihood of similar catastrophes. The lessons from the Nixon Nitration Works explosion continue to be relevant, serving as a reminder that safety must always be a top priority in hazardous industries.

Citations

Bibliography

“March 03, 1924 – Topics on Newspapers.com.” Topics, www.newspapers.com/topics/century-ago-today/march-1924/march-03-1924/.

‌“1924 Nixon Nitration Works Disaster.” Wikipedia, 1 Oct. 2023, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1924_Nixon_Nitration_Works_disaster.

‌

When conceptualizing the decade known as the Roaring Twenties, people are inclined to imagine an era of excess and festivities. While this is often exaggerated, there is a kernel of truth to these imaginings. Indeed, the 1920s saw the creation of a new type of consumer culture that was reliant on a newfound commercialization of leisure. These new spending habits are reflected in how 300% more money was spent by Americans on leisure during this decade than previous ones. What exactly were Americans now spending their money on? While there were many industries that benefited from consumer culture, with one of the foremost examples being that of cars, commercial entertainment also saw an increase in patronage. For this reason, nightclubs and other such urban amusements prospered and thrived in the 1920s.² This, of course, contributed to the establishment and success of the Cotton Club during that decade. 

As leisure proliferated as a common pastime in the United States in the 1920s, Harlem became known as the “great playground,” known for its proliferation of amusing activities, with much of this being tied to its importance as a hub for jazz music and artists. The image of Harlem as “thrilling, bizarre [and] sensuous” that was cultivated during this era frequently brushing aside the more wretched aspects of Harlem’s cultural explosion. Despite being home to primarily African American cultural innovations, white subversion of African American communities was pervasive. In fact, the Cotton Club was one of a number of nightclubs in Harlem that only allowed for white patrons, while having predominantly African American performers. This occurred in conjunction with the phenomenon of “white slummers,” in which wealthier white individuals would take part in Harlem’s vibrant nightlife, doing dances like the Charleston and listening to jazz, both of which were originated by the African American community. It is thus no coincidence that there was a racial divide between the white audience and African American entertainers.⁴ In the problematically named Cotton Club, the existence of African American individuals and blackness became a performance, and created a socially acceptable platform for white patrons to reaffirm the subservience of African American performers. That is to say, the fact that the African American artists were performing and entertaining for white spectators ensured that racial inequalities were maintained in the leisure sphere.⁵ Even the advertising products distributed by the Cotton Club would reinforce these divisions by featuring caricatured African American performers alongside the more elegantly depicted white patrons.⁶ The Cotton Club was, therefore, a product of and proponent of the racism of the 1920s. 

Although wealthier classes were able to take part in many types of entertainment in a frequent manner, such leisure was not limited to them. In fact, the working classes not only took part in more thrifty forms of recreation but were also able to significantly influence the new forms of entertainment that were emerging. Many different ethnic classes were able to make significant contributions to 1920s leisure, and this includes African American communities. In particular, their dance and music trends, which includes jazz, would become an integral part of American mainstream culture in the decade and was appropriated by many white artists. In this way, these working-class African American communities were not just on the receiving end of 1920s cultural phenomena, but were also significant contributors. The jazz clubs, like the Cotton Club, that many congregated to were a direct result of African American cultural contributions. This entertainment industry would further reinforce the perceptions of ethnic identities, with the proliferation of “race” records, featuring African American styles of music like the blues and jazz, being a clear example of this.⁷ Another example can be seen in the famous film, The Jazz Singer, which featured the clear influences of African American and other immigrant communities on the culture of the 1920s.⁸ 

Consumer culture’s impact on the entertainment industry also had significant implications for the African American working class by creating new forms of labor. One is the ‘commercial model,’ which includes such models who took part in entertainment performances. Such a job, which had employed African-American individuals in the Cotton Club, was part of a new movement to commodify aesthetics and the creation of a particular ‘feel.’ At the Cotton Club, those working in this capacity were meant to model their African American identity as a particular cultural type for their all-white audiences.¹⁰ Those employed in this position at the Cotton Club, and other nightclubs, were mainly women of color. Such a ‘model showgirl’ would not have to truly perform through song or dance, but would pose on stage in costume.¹¹ This is deeply tied to the new emphasis on women’s sexuality in the 1920s, which would prove to be greatly problematic for African American women. African American women reformers found the sexualization of African American to be a form of dangerous exploitation. In fact, women writers in the Harlem Renaissance steered away from the emphasis on “primitivism” that their male counterparts took part in. This was because, when tied to sexuality, such a philosophy could contribute to undesirable stereotypes about African American women, which were at least in part shaped by white societal expectations.¹² The Cotton Club’s presentation of African American chorus line women as visual and sexual ‘objects’ contributed to these stereotypes. 

The Cotton Club was part of a larger national movement geared towards leisure as promoted by the new consumer culture. Art and joyous times were the image of nightlife in Harlem. However, institutions such as the Cotton Club were demonstrative of the greater problems that plagued Harlem and the rest of the United States. Despite being a platform for African American artists, their contributions to American culture were often diminished, and all-white nightclubs like the Cotton Club actually supported the negative stereotypes about African Americans.

1.  Maureen Maryanski, “The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club,” The New York Historical, February 17, 2016, https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/the-aristocrat-of-harlem-the-cotton-club. ︎
2.  Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s, ed. Eric Foner (New York, NY: Hill and Wang, 1995), 77. ︎
3. The Famous Cotton Club Presents Dan Healy’s Cotton Club on Parade with Cab Calloway and His Famous Cotton Club Orchestra., JSTOR (Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture Photographs and Prints Division, 1925), https://www.jstor.org/stable/community.31816453. ︎
4.  Gilbert Osofsky, “Symbols of the Jazz Age: The New Negro and Harlem Discovered,” American Quarterly 17, no. 2 (Summer 1965): 229–38, https://doi.org/10.2307/2711356, 235. ︎
5.  Malcolm Womack, “Harlem Holiday: The Cotton Club, 1925-1940,” University of Washington University Libraries (dissertation, 2013), http://hdl.handle.net/1773/23357, 102. ︎
6.  Womack, “Harlem Holiday,” 110-111. ︎
7.  Dumenil, The Modern Temper, 81-83. ︎
8.  Dumenil, The Modern Temper, 95. ︎
9. Maude Russel At The Cotton Club, Getty Images (Michael Ochs Archives, 1929). ︎
10.  Elspeth H. Brown, “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling: Race, Sexuality, and the 1920s Stage Model,” Feminist Studies 40, no. 1 (2014): 65–97, https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2014.0003, 65-68. ︎
11.  Brown, “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling,” 89. ︎
12.  Dumenil, The Modern Temper, 139. ︎

Bibliography

Brown, Elspeth H. “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling: Race, Sexuality, and the 1920s Stage Model.” Feminist Studies 40, no. 1 (2014): 65–97. https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2014.0003. 

The Famous Cotton Club presents Dan Healy’s Cotton Club on Parade with Cab Calloway and his famous Cotton Club Orchestra. JSTOR. Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture Photographs and Prints Division, 1925. https://www.jstor.org/stable/community.31816453. 

Maryanski, Maureen. “The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club.” The New York Historical, February 17, 2016. https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/the-aristocrat-of-harlem-the-cotton-club. 

Maude Russel At The Cotton Club. Getty Images. Michael Ochs Archives, 1929. 

Osofsky, Gilbert. “Symbols of the Jazz Age: The New Negro and Harlem Discovered.” American Quarterly 17, no. 2 (Summer 1965): 229–38. https://doi.org/10.2307/2711356. 

Womack, Malcolm. “Harlem Holiday: The Cotton Club, 1925-1940.” University of Washington University Libraries, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/23357. 

stefanieviera

Stefanie Viera is a 3rd year History and Humanities & Global Studies double major who is taking the Discovering Digital History course in the spring of 2025. She currently work at the Jane Addams Papers Project as an Editorial Assistant.

The Cotton Club was the most popular nightclub in Harlem during the 1920s, emerging at the height of the Jazz Age and the Harlem Renaissance. Established in September 1923 by white American gangster Owen Madden after being released from jail, the Cotton Club remained a staple of Harlem’s nightlife until it changed locations in 1936.¹ Madden saw the club primarily as a place to distribute bootleg beer, but it held far more cultural significance than he could have anticipated. While it remained in Harlem, the Cotton Club  proved to be the most significant venue for jazz during the Harlem Renaissance, hosting iconic musicians like Duke Ellington, Louis Armstrong, and Ethel Waters, and providing the stage by which artists could innovate, achieve fame and continue redefining the genre.² 

Opening of the Cotton Club

It all began with heavyweight boxing champion Jack Johnson, who opened a supper club named Club Deluxe on 142 Street and Lenox Avenue in 1920. After only a few years of being open, Johnson handed over operations to famous white gangster Owen “Owney” Madden in 1923, although Johnson remained the manager of the club.⁴ Madden designed and ran the club from his jail cell in Sing Sing, where he was held for manslaughter, eventually transforming Club Deluxe into the Cotton Club. The Cotton Club quickly became an exclusive and popular jazz venue.⁵ Madden used the Club to sell his “#1 Beer” at the time of prohibition, and the Cotton Club’s illicit alcohol activities resulted in a brief closure in 1925. The Club soon reopened and continued to sell alcohol without interference from the police or other authorities.⁶ This is believed to be because of the political connections that the Club’s leadership possessed.⁷

Madden executed a particular vision for the Club centered around elegance and class, with waiters dressed in red tuxedos meant to emulate the typical look of butlers. The menu included such expensive and exotice dishes as Venison Steak and Chop Suey, which would be served to the patrons sitting in one of the two tiers of tables, organized in the shape of a horseshoe. Opening at 9:00PM and closing at 3:00AM, the Cotton Club was the premier place for the elite to take part in Harlem’s booming nightlife. However, Madden’s vision of class also involved segregation, as only white individuals were allowed to enter the Club. At the same time, he wanted talented African American jazz artists to supply the entertainment. The bandstand was located in front of a painted background of weeping willows and slave quarters, with tall white pillars on the stage to make it appear as if the African American artists were performing on the veranda of a plantation mansion.⁸ Despite the clearly racist undertones of the Club, many black artists took advantage of the platform offered them at the Cotton Club, achieving fame along the way.  

Duke Ellington and Other Legendary Performers

Duke Ellington is undoubtedly the most important musician to have received his start in the Cotton Club, where he had a residency from 1927 to 1931.⁹ Before bringing his talent to the Cotton Club, Ellington began his career in Washington, D.C., which had been the hub for “American Negro civilization” until around the 1920s. The band he formed in D.C., the Washingtonians, moved to Harlem and, by the mid 1920s, the band’s jazz performances made it so they were already gaining local popularity. Upon becoming the Cotton Club’s primary band, Ellington’s 10-piece ensemble became an integral part of the Club’s success, and vice versa, as they gained popularity for their ability to sound like an “African Jungle.” Amongst the antebellum plantation decor of the Cotton Club, Ellington’s band performed songs such as “Jungle Nights in Harlem,” where famous trumpet players like Cootie Williams and Bubber Miley mimicked growling and other animal sounds with their instruments. Ellington struggled to come to terms with his accommodation of harmful stereotypes of African-Americans for many years, but he was able to take advantage of the “jungle” sound to experiment with dissonant harmonies and “speaking” brass. Furthermore, his popularity allowed him to perform at venues that welcomed black audiences in the 1930s, like the Savoy Ballroom and Apollo Theater.¹⁰ 

The radio exposure afforded to Duke Ellington and his ensemble supported the popularity of Duke Ellington, and jazz as a whole. In the 1920s, the radio was a modern marvel, particularly amongst teenagers after World War I. It was through this medium that nightly Cotton Club broadcasts of Ellington’s “jungle music” reached the ears of many listeners all across the United States.¹¹ This provided significant exposure for Ellington and jazz music on a national level, as well as increased popularity of the Club itself.¹² He used his growing platform to advocate for the significance of black music, writing in the British magazine Rhythm that “The music of my race is something more than the American idiom. It is the result of our transplantation to American soil, and was our reaction in the plantation days to the tyranny we endured. What we could not say openly, we expressed in music.¹³” In this way, Ellington countered the commodification of jazz music and brought to light its connections with black resistance to oppression.

Duke Ellington was not the only musician to perform at the Cotton Club. Indeed, throughout its time based in Harlem, the Cotton Club attracted the skills of many different talented jazz musicians. One such example is Johnny Hodges, a saxophonist who performed in Ellington’s ensemble during the 1920s. An influx of soloists into his band in 1929, such as Cootie Williams and Juan Tizol, showcased their improvisation skills in the Club’s musical scene. This was particularly important, as solos were and continue to be a staple of the genre. After the 1920s, Cab Calloway replaced Ellington as band leader, and he became famous for his scat-jive vocals, bringing a new element to the music of the Club.¹⁴ The Jimmie Lunceford Band also performed at the Cotton Club.¹⁵

Despite the many groundbreaking black musicians that performed and gained fame through performing at the Cotton Club, they were not actually able to enjoy the music as an audience member. Indeed, the Cotton Club only permitted white patrons to enter. This made the Club a great moral contradiction for black artists who played their uniquely African-American music at the Club.

The Cotton Club as Segregated Leisure

As leisure proliferated as a common pastime in the United States in the 1920s, Harlem became known as the “great playground,” known for its proliferation of amusing activities, with much of this being tied to its importance as a hub for jazz music and artists. The image of Harlem as “thrilling, bizarre [and] sensuous” that was cultivated during this era frequently brushing aside the more wretched aspects of Harlem’s cultural explosion. Despite being home to primarily African American cultural innovations, white subversion of African American communities was pervasive. In fact, the Cotton Club was one of a number of nightclubs in Harlem that only allowed for white patrons, while having predominantly African American performers. This occurred in conjunction with the phenomenon of “white slummers,” in which wealthier white individuals took part in Harlem’s vibrant nightlife, doing dances like the Charleston and listening to jazz, both of which were originated by the African American community. It is thus no coincidence that there was a racial divide between the white audience and African American entertainers.¹⁷ In the problematically named Cotton Club, the existence of African American individuals and blackness became a performance, and created a socially acceptable platform for white patrons to reaffirm the subservience of African American performers. That is to say, the fact that the African American artists were performing and entertaining for white spectators ensured that racial inequalities were maintained in the leisure sphere.¹⁸ Even the advertising products distributed by the Cotton Club reinforced these divisions by featuring caricatured African American performers alongside the more elegantly depicted white patrons.¹⁹ The Cotton Club was, therefore, a product of and proponent of the racism of the 1920s. 

Despite this, many did not accept this segregation without putting up a fight. In fact, The Afro-American, a Baltimore-based newspaper, reported on July 16, 1927, that a Mrs. Geraldine Dismond sued the Cotton Club for denying her and James G. Cotter entrance into the Cotton Club. Dismond and Cotter were elites, she was the wife of a “prominent local physician” and he was an assistant district U.S. Attorney. The act of suing the club itself was defiant as they rejected the tradition of segregation. The authors of this news clipping also took part in resisting the racist policies of the Cotton Club, as they clearly wished to emphasize the hypocrisy of the Cotton Club having “race bands” for all white audiences. The title of the clipping is particularly biting, as the club is referred to as a “Jim Crow Cabaret,” drawing attention to how, although northern states like New York did not have official segregation policies like the South, segregation was still customary. 

The Sexualization of Women and Colorism in the Cotton Club

With the new approach to entertainment that came with the 1920’s new consumer culture also came significant implications for the African American women by creating new forms of labor. One is the ‘commercial model,’ which includes such models who took part in entertainment performances. Such a job, which had employed African-American individuals in the Cotton Club, was part of a new movement to commodify aesthetics and the creation of a particular ‘feel.’ At the Cotton Club, those working in this capacity were meant to model their African American identity as a particular cultural type for their all-white audiences.²¹ The costumes presented both racial and sexual stereotypes, using “exotic” designs that presented the women in an exposing manner. 

Those employed in this position at the Cotton Club, and other nightclubs, were mainly women of color. Such a ‘model showgirl’ did not have to truly perform through song or dance, but would pose on stage in costume.²³ This is deeply tied to the new emphasis on women’s sexuality in the 1920s, which proved to be greatly problematic for African American women. African American women reformers found the sexualization of African American to be a form of dangerous exploitation. In fact, women writers in the Harlem Renaissance steered away from the emphasis on “primitivism” that their male counterparts took part in. This was because, when tied to sexuality, such a philosophy could contribute to undesirable stereotypes about African American women, which were at least in part shaped by white societal expectations.²⁴ The Cotton Club’s presentation of African American chorus line women as visual and sexual ‘objects’ contributed to these stereotypes.

Being viewed and used as primarily “sexual objects,” the black women that performed for elite white New Yorkers in the Cotton Club were measured up to strict physical standards that demonstrate the intersectionality of gender and race during the 1920s. The Cotton Club Girls, otherwise known as the Copper Colored Gals, had to be at least 5 feet and 6 inches tall, under 21 years of age, and pass what was known as the “paper bag” tests. According to this test, the performer had to be lighter than a brown paper bag. This test was not unique to the Cotton Club at all; it was used to determine the acceptance of black individuals, inside and outside their community, to elite institutions such as fraternities, universities, and even churches.²⁶ The practice is typically associated with institutions based in the southern city of New Orleans, but its use in the Cotton Club demonstrates that such colorist practices pervaded northern communities as well.²⁷ Complexion tests were quite popular in the United States, as white people attempted to prevent fair-skinned black individuals from entering what they deemed to be their spaces. Tests included looking at the nails and hair roots of people to determine if they were black. From the 1920s-1940s, “spotting” was a particularly popular form of ensuring that African-Americans were excluded from entering white-only institutions by having a black individual stand at the entrance and “spot” any white-passing African-Americans, subsequently preventing them from entering.²⁸ 

The Legacy of the Cotton Club

The Cotton Club was the premier jazz venue for black musicians, and a hotspot for wealthy white elite to enjoy top jazz performances during the Roaring Twenties. The Cotton Club called itself “the Aristocrat of Harlem,” and this proved to be true through its economic and racial exclusivity. While the Cotton Club’s legacy continues to be remembered as a launching pad for the career of many jazz artists through stage and radio exposure, the legacy of the Cotton Club is also marred by its history as a racist and segregated institution that exploited black art and artists for white enjoyment. This is particularly evident in how the aesthetics and name of the Club were reminiscent of the slave south, and the hypocritical policy that allowed for black performers but hardly any black patrons.²⁹ The Cotton Club in Harlem closed in 1936 after the Harlem Race Riot of 1935, as it was no longer considered to be a safe place for whites.³⁰ Soon after, they opened a new location in Midtown. Interestingly, the new, and short-lived, Cotton Club was open to black audience members, in a (failed) last-ditch attempt to obscure its problematic racial history.³¹ 

Significance to the 1920s

The Great Migration started in the 1870s within the context of social and economic frustrations that plagued many African-American communities in the South. Due to this, many moved to the North and West to receive respite. Motivation to migrate increased exponentially after World War I, as more African-Americans were drawn to the factory jobs in the cities. In the 1920s, 750,000 African Americans fled the conditions of the South, mainly relocating in cities.³³ 

Throughout the Great Migration, which ended during the Great Depression, 2 million African Americans moved out of the South to northern cities like New York City, which was particularly popular. The North was particularly attractive as an apparent refuge from racial violence where they could have more opportunities to work and vote without being threatened. Despite the apparent improved standard of living through better wages for menial jobs, the benefits were offset by the high cost of living and racial discrimination continued as African-Americans were subject to redlining and forced to live in slums. At the same time that this mass exodus was occuring, Harlem was experiencing an explosion of new cultural expression known as the Harlem Renaissance. The Great Migration actually supported the Harlem Renaissance, as the black population in New York City doubled during the 1920s. With this stream of black emigrants also came a number of artists that became key to this cultural phenomenon. For this reason, Harlem became the site of “New Negro” art and politics, with pride in black culture being the center of this cultural boom.³⁴ 

Jazz became the defining music and soundtrack of the Harlem Renaissance and “New Negro” movement. ³⁵The African-American population often viewed music as a symbolic release from the physical and economic bondage that they were subjected to by white slave-owners in recent history. Now able to obtain instruments, the African-American community was given the opportunity to experiment with a far broader range of musical styles. The result was jazz, which combined the fluid syncopation techniques customarily used in West African music with European ragtime piano.³⁶ 

It was in the context of the emergence of many skilled artists from the South through the Great Migration and the creation of Jazz as part of the Harlem Renaissance that the Cotton Club was established. The club soon became extremely popular and provided the platform for many legendary jazz musicians that continue to define the genre. 

Citations

Footnotes

1.  Maureen Maryanski, “The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club,” The New York Historical, February 17, 2016, https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/the-aristocrat-of-harlem-the-cotton-club. ︎
2. Ted Gioia, The History of Jazz, 3rd ed. (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2021), 149. ︎
3. Cotton Club 1930, Wikimedia Commons (The New Movie Magazine, 1930), https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Cotton_Club_1930.jpg. ︎
4. “The Cotton Club (NYC) Opens,” African American Registry, December 4, 2024, https://aaregistry.org/story/the-cotton-club-opens/. ︎
5. Margaret Moos Pick, “A Night at the Cotton Club: Music of Duke Ellington, Harold Arlen & Cab Calloway,” Riverwalk Jazz, 1997, https://riverwalkjazz.stanford.edu/program/night-cotton-club-music-duke-ellington-harold-arlen-cab-calloway. ︎
6.  “The Cotton Club (NYC) Opens.” ︎
7.  Elizabeth Winter, “Cotton Club of Harlem (1923- ),” BlackPast, December 17, 2007, https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/cotton-club-harlem-1923/. ︎
8.  Moos Pick, “A Night at the Cotton Club.” ︎
9.  Aaron J. Johnson, “A Date With The Duke: Ellington on Radio,” The Musical Quarterly 96, no. 3–4 (November 19, 2013): 369–405, https://doi.org/10.1093/musqtl/gdt014, 375. ︎
10.  Daniel Matlin, “‘Something Part, Yet an Integral Part’: Duke Ellington’s Harlem and the Nexus of Race and Nation,” Cambridge University Press, February 8, 2021, https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/something-apart-yet-an-integral-part-duke-ellingtons-harlem-and-the-nexus-of-race-and-nation/46B58AEB337443073C1A7D3102E259A1. ︎
11.  Johnson, “A Date With The Duke,” 369-370. ︎
12.  Johnson, “A Date With The Duke,” 380. ︎
13.  Laura Townsend, “How Duke Ellington Used His Appearance to Subvert Racist Stereotypes, and Other Ways He Fought Racism,” PBS, July 12, 2022, https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/how-duke-ellington-used-his-appearance-to-subvert-racist-stereotypes-and-other-ways-he-fought-racism/17385/. ︎
14.  Gioia, The History of Jazz, 150-154. ︎
15.  Gioia, The History of Jazz, 156. ︎
16.  The Famous Cotton Club Presents Dan Healy’s Cotton Club on Parade with Cab Calloway and His Famous Cotton Club Orchestra., JSTOR (Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture Photographs and Prints Division, 1925), https://www.jstor.org/stable/community.31816453. ︎
17.  Gilbert Osofsky, “Symbols of the Jazz Age: The New Negro and Harlem Discovered,” American Quarterly 17, no. 2 (Summer 1965): 229–38, https://doi.org/10.2307/2711356, 235. ︎
18.  Malcolm Womack, “Harlem Holiday: The Cotton Club, 1925-1940,” University of Washington University Libraries (dissertation, 2013), http://hdl.handle.net/1773/23357, 102. ︎
19.  Womack, “Harlem Holiday,” 110-111. ︎
20.  “Sues Harlem Jim Crow Cabaret,” The Afro-American, July 16, 1927, https://www.newspapers.com/image/1134157240/?match=1&terms=%22Louis%20Armstrong%22%20%22cotton%20club%22. ︎
21.  Elspeth H. Brown, “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling: Race, Sexuality, and the 1920s Stage Model,” Feminist Studies 40, no. 1 (2014): 65–97, https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2014.0003, 65-68. ︎
22.  Maude Russel At The Cotton Club, Getty Images (Michael Ochs Archives, 1929). ︎
23.  Brown, “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling,” 89. ︎
24.  Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s, ed. Eric Foner (New York, NY: Hill and Wang, 1995), 139. ︎
25. Fan from the Cotton Club., Curationist (National Museum of African American History and Culture, 1923), https://www.curationist.org/works/work-smith-nmaahc_2013.223.40. ︎
26.  “Colorism During the New Negro Movement: Cotton Club,” CUNY Academic Commons, 2025, https://colorism.commons.gc.cuny.edu/cotton-club/. ︎
27. Audrey Elisa Kerr, “The Paper Bag Principle: Of the Myth and the Motion of Colorism,” Journal of American Folklore118, no. 469 (June 2005): 271–89, https://doi.org/10.1353/jaf.2005.0031, 283. ︎
28. Audrey Elisa Kerr, “The Paper Bag Principle: Of the Myth and the Motion of Colorism,” Journal of American Folklore118, no. 469 (June 2005): 271–89, https://doi.org/10.1353/jaf.2005.0031, 277-279. ︎
29. Maureen Maryanski, “The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club,” The New York Historical, February 17, 2016, https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/the-aristocrat-of-harlem-the-cotton-club. ︎
30.  Meher Tatna, “The Cotton Club,” Golden Globes, February 16, 2023, https://goldenglobes.com/articles/cotton-club/. ︎
31. Colony Little, “A Tale of Two Harlems: The Legacy of Jazz and Racism at the Cotton Club,” Curationist, July 2022, https://www.curationist.org/editorial-features/article/a-tale-of-two-harlems:-the-legacy-of-jazz-and-racism-at-the-cotton-club. ︎
32. The Scott Arthur Family ca. 1920, 1920, Wikimedia Commons, 1920, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Scott_Arthur_Family_1920.jpg. ︎
33.  “Moving North, Heading West: African Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History,” The Library of Congress, accessed March 19, 2025, https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/immigration/african/moving-north-heading-west/. ︎
34.  “The Great Migration and The Harlem Renaissance,” Press Books, accessed March 19, 2025, https://open.baypath.edu/his115/chapter/the-great-migration-and-the-harlem-renaissance/. ︎
35.  Rachel Farebrother and Miriam Thaggert, A History of the Harlem Renaissance (Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2021), 345. ︎
36.  Farebrother and Thaggert, A History of the Harlem Renaissance, 351. ︎

Bibliography

Brown, Elspeth H. “The Commodification of Aesthetic Feeling: Race, Sexuality, and the 1920s Stage Model.” Feminist Studies 40, no. 1 (2014): 65–97. https://doi.org/10.1353/fem.2014.0003. 

“Colorism During the New Negro Movement: Cotton Club.” CUNY Academic Commons, 2025. https://colorism.commons.gc.cuny.edu/cotton-club/. 

“The Cotton Club (NYC) Opens.” African American Registry, December 4, 2024. https://aaregistry.org/story/the-cotton-club-opens/. 

Cotton Club 1930. Wikimedia Commons. The New Movie Magazine, 1930. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Cotton_Club_1930.jpg. 

Dumenil, Lynn. The modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. Edited by Eric Foner. New York, NY: Hill and Wang, 1995. 

Fan from the Cotton Club. Curationist. National Museum of African American History and Culture, 1923. https://www.curationist.org/works/work-smith-nmaahc_2013.223.40. 

Farebrother, Rachel, and Miriam Thaggert. A History of the Harlem Renaissance. Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2021. 

The Famous Cotton Club presents Dan Healy’s Cotton Club on Parade with Cab Calloway and his famous Cotton Club Orchestra. JSTOR. Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture Photographs and Prints Division, 1925. https://www.jstor.org/stable/community.31816453. 

Gioia, Ted. The History of Jazz. 3rd ed. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2021. 

“The Great Migration and The Harlem Renaissance.” Press Books. Accessed March 19, 2025. https://open.baypath.edu/his115/chapter/the-great-migration-and-the-harlem-renaissance/. 

Johnson, Aaron J. “A Date With The Duke: Ellington on Radio.” The Musical Quarterly 96, no. 3–4 (November 19, 2013): 369–405. https://doi.org/10.1093/musqtl/gdt014. 

Kerr, Audrey Elisa. “The Paper Bag Principle: Of the Myth and the Motion of Colorism.” Journal of American Folklore118, no. 469 (June 2005): 271–89. https://doi.org/10.1353/jaf.2005.0031. 

Little, Colony. “A Tale of Two Harlems: The Legacy of Jazz and Racism at the Cotton Club.” Curationist, July 2022. https://www.curationist.org/editorial-features/article/a-tale-of-two-harlems:-the-legacy-of-jazz-and-racism-at-the-cotton-club. 

Matlin, Daniel. “‘Something Part, Yet an Integral Part’: Duke Ellington’s Harlem and the Nexus of Race and Nation.” Cambridge University Press, February 8, 2021. https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/modern-intellectual-history/article/something-apart-yet-an-integral-part-duke-ellingtons-harlem-and-the-nexus-of-race-and-nation/46B58AEB337443073C1A7D3102E259A1. 

Maryanski, Maureen. “The Aristocrat of Harlem: The Cotton Club.” The New York Historical, February 17, 2016. https://www.nyhistory.org/blogs/the-aristocrat-of-harlem-the-cotton-club. 

Maude Russel At The Cotton Club. Getty Images. Michael Ochs Archives, 1929. 

Moos Pick, Margaret. “A Night at the Cotton Club: Music of Duke Ellington, Harold Arlen & Cab Calloway.” Riverwalk Jazz, 1997. https://riverwalkjazz.stanford.edu/program/night-cotton-club-music-duke-ellington-harold-arlen-cab-calloway. 

“Moving North, Heading West: African Immigration and Relocation in U.S. History.” The Library of Congress. Accessed March 19, 2025. https://www.loc.gov/classroom-materials/immigration/african/moving-north-heading-west/. 

Osofsky, Gilbert. “Symbols of the Jazz Age: The New Negro and Harlem Discovered.” American Quarterly 17, no. 2 (Summer 1965): 229–38. https://doi.org/10.2307/2711356. 

The Scott Arthur Family ca. 1920. 1920. Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Scott_Arthur_Family_1920.jpg. 

“Sues Harlem Jim Crow Cabaret.” The Afro-American. July 16, 1927. https://www.newspapers.com/image/1134157240/?match=1&terms=%22Louis%20Armstrong%22%20%22cotton%20club%22. 

Tatna, Meher. “The Cotton Club.” Golden Globes, February 16, 2023. https://goldenglobes.com/articles/cotton-club/. 

Townsend, Laura. “How Duke Ellington Used His Appearance to Subvert Racist Stereotypes, and Other Ways He Fought Racism.” PBS, July 12, 2022. https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/how-duke-ellington-used-his-appearance-to-subvert-racist-stereotypes-and-other-ways-he-fought-racism/17385/.

Womack, Malcolm. “Harlem Holiday: The Cotton Club, 1925-1940.” University of Washington University Libraries, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/23357. 

Winter, Elizabeth. “Cotton Club of Harlem (1923- ).” BlackPast, December 17, 2007. https://www.blackpast.org/african-american-history/cotton-club-harlem-1923/.

stefanieviera

Stefanie Viera is a 3rd year History and Humanities & Global Studies double major who is taking the Discovering Digital History course in the spring of 2025. She currently work at the Jane Addams Papers Project as an Editorial Assistant.

The Rosewood Massacre occurred from January 1 to January 7, 1923. This week of terror took place in Rosewood, Levy County, Florida, United States. It was a race riot that occurred in a black rural community.

The town of Rosewood was established in 1847 near the Gulf of Mexico. In its early beginnings, it relied on the timber industry. Cedarwood trees were fruitful there, and due to the reddish color of the wood, the town was there by named Rosewood. There were originally both black and white residents, but when most of the cedar trees were cut down for profit, the economy decreased, and most whites moved to other towns, such as Sumner. Sumner was a predominantly white town, and by the year 1900, Rosewood was now a predominantly black community. Sumner and Rosewood were generally friendly towards each other, that is, until the beginning of 1923.¹

Rosewood was a pleasant town. They had a school, different types of mills, three churches, two general stores, and a baseball team called the Rosewood Stars. There were about a dozen houses where some families even owned middle-class goods such as pianos and organs. About eighteen to twenty-five families were living in Rosewood.² The general consensus was that Rosewood was that it was a nice place to live and had nothing negative to say. Robie Mortin, a survivor of the Rosewood Massacre, said, “Rosewood was a town where everyone’s house was painted. There were roses everywhere you walked.”³

Before the week-long massacre, Rosewood was a nice, beautiful, quiet, and primarily black town. It was a whistle-stop on the Seaboard Air Line Railway, where people traveling would go to fill up on necessities. No one would stay long at whistle stops, and they were deemed to be swift and unimportant visits.⁴

The massacre started when a white woman accused a black drifter named Jesse Hunter of assaulting her in Sumner. The woman was Frances “Fannie” Taylor. She was twenty-two years old, married to a thirty-year-old man named James, and had two children. Neighbors and people living in the town stated that Taylor was very aloof, not well known, and very peculiar overall. Taylor’s face was indeed bruised when she made her claim, and she asserted she was not raped by the man, only beaten. Her neighbors, who arrived when they heard her screaming, could not find anyone else in the house despite Taylor saying there was a black man present. Sarah Carrier, a black woman living in Rosewood, worked for Taylor the day of the alleged attack. Carrier and her granddaughter Philomena Goins said they both saw a white man leave the Taylor house on the morning of January 1, 1923. This opposes what Taylor’s neighbors said. Carrier’s words meant very little, though, and she was shot dead and burned in her house during the massacre.⁵ In spite of being beaten, rumors spread that Taylor was raped and robbed, which fueled anger among the white mob at an exponential rate.⁶

Jesse Hunter, the accused man, was a Rosewood resident and was lynched by several white men from neighboring towns after Taylor’s claims were made public. These men hunted for him, and after his lynching, a mob consisting of several hundred white individuals started to reign down in the countryside to hunt for more black people, where the Rosewood massacre soon transpired.⁷

Every building in Rosewood was burnt down or demolished, tragically with people still inside. During the massacre, the citizens of Rosewood either hid in their houses, tried to run, fought back, and ran to adjacent swamps. Those who hid in the swamps were there for days until they were rescued and sent to different towns for hospitalization for hypothermia and wound care.⁸

The impact the Rosewood Massacre had was not only physical but mental and emotional, especially for the women and children. Minnie Lee Mitchell Langley, just nine years old at the time, witnessed her uncle almost being lynched, her great-grandmother killed, her cousin kill and injure others in order to save the family and to run and hide in the woods and swamp until the massacre ended. Minnie Lee, who was eighty years old at the time of her story being told, can still feel how cold the nights were when she saw the enormous flames of the Rosewood buildings being burned from the swamp. Minnie Lee recounted her story in 1993, at age 79. She was one of five women who survived the massacre who were willing to testify.⁹

After the Rosewood Massacre, the town was abandoned. No one, either black or white, moved back. The site was officially cleared, and the empty site remained a painful memory. There is now a plaque to commemorate the atrocity.¹⁰

The death tolls are debated. According to officials, at least six black and two white people were killed, with numerous people injured and traumatized. Some survivors claim that twenty-seven black residents were murdered and that the number of white deaths was also higher. Minnie Lee stated that she stepped over many white bodies, which is contradictory to the official death records. Perhaps the public did not want to say there were more white deaths. In 1984, a newspaper estimated that one hundred fifty people died, which others claim to be an exaggeration and misinformation.¹² 

However, very few official records and documents about the Rosewood Massacre exist. Even the survivors and their descendants, as well as the perpetrators, did not speak about the Rosewood Massacre. It was not until the 1980s, sixty years after the event, that it started to gain publicity, and there was a demand for an investigation. Since so much time has passed, many survivors are too elderly or have passed away to testify or hear their stories, meaning there is little to confirm or deny the many claims.¹³

There were attempts to receive justice for the Rosewood Massacre. First, there was a pursuit to sue Florida for the failure to protect the black community in Rosewood. Then, in 1993, the Florida Legislature had finally commissioned a report on the Rosewood Massacre. In its findings, Florida gave the survivors and their descendants financial compensation for the physical damages that occurred due to the racial violence. However, many do not think this was enough. In 1997, there was a feature film dedicated to the Rosewood Massacre, directed by John Singleton, called Rosewood. It is an excellent film and stars Don Cheadle, Ving Rhames, Jon Voight, and Esther Rolle. Minnie Lee served as help in the set design. The film does have mixed reviews, as it offers a fictional story amidst the panic and there is a “happy ending.” In 2004, Florida designated the site where Rosewood was as a Florida Heritage Landmark, where people can visit a plaque and pay their respects.¹⁴

Minnie Lee testified in the 1994 Florida House of Representative hearing In The Matter For Relief Of Arnett T. Goins, Minnie L. Langley, et. al, Claimants vs. State of Florida, Respondent. The other four women were Robie Robinson Mortin, Mary Magdalene Hall, Margie Hall Johnson, and Dorothy Goins Hosey.¹⁵ Each woman got $150,000 but will never be the same.¹⁶

Dr. Carolyn Tucker said that those who testified exhibited signs of post-traumatic stress disorder and that the massacre had a negative impact on their parenting, social, and economic skills.¹⁸ When they were children, the survivors dreamed of being pianists, singers, and politicians, yet those dreams were crushed, and they all became maids, domestic servants, cooks, and other low-paying jobs. Richard Hixson, the hearing officer, said to establish a scholarship fund for the Rosewood families and descendants. The Florida House of Representatives passed the Rosewood Compensation Bill on April 4, 1994, in which two million dollars were given to the Rosewood survivors and descendants.¹⁹ 

Significance

In the 1920s, the United States was experiencing a time of rapid social change, and people today typically think of the richness and exuberance of The Great Gatsby when picturing the 1920s. Flappers, gangsters, and lavish parties take up the mind. However, in reality, for black people in the South, things were terrible. Blacks were losing political power, were in dire economic struggles, and were subject to lynchings and terror caused by white residents on a consistent basis.

At this time, other race riots different from the Rosewood Massacre were generally reported. Lynchings also increased exponentially in the 1920s. For example, Florida’s history included the highest records of lynchings against black men in this decade. Just one year before the Rosewood Massacre, in 1922, the Perry Massacre occurred, where whites killed four black men and destroyed Perry, a black community. Charles Strong, a victim of the Perry Massacre, was lynched and burned at the stake.²⁰

Black women were not excused from lynching. According to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), in 1916, two black women named Stella Long and Mary Dennis, both mothers, were lynched. Long had four children, and Dennis was pregnant with her third at the time of their deaths.²¹ 

White supremacy started to be very active, and southern states started to decrease black voters as a way to keep the South white. In the middle of the 1920s, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) had a peak in membership in Southern states and the Midwest. The KKK had a revival around 1915 due to the influx of black people settling in towns, and society’s views started to change towards social issues and rapid industrialization. The KKKs main targets were African Americans, Jews, Catholics, and immigrants before its ultimate demise in the mid-1920s.²² The KKK supported and executed many white mobs throughout black communities, such as Rosewood, where the authorities did little to nothing. Rosewood is just one of many unfortunate communities terrorized and abandoned by white supremacists and racists.²³

To contextualize, the 1920s was also when prohibition started. Prohibition was not just about alcohol, but it gave power and dominance to white Anglo-Saxon Protestants in American society. These whites controlled the law through prohibition against the ever-growing consciousness of change.²⁵ Working-class citizens, typically African Americans, were more boisterous regarding alcohol consumption. Saloons were popular, as was bare-knuckle fighting, where African Americans and other minorities were able to let loose and have alcohol as a point of leisure and outlet.²⁶ 

In addition to working-class leisure, attractions like amusement parks were taken by storm in the 1920s. African Americans and other minority groups were able to express themselves, yet were frequently appropriated by white entertainers.²⁷ Blackface was popular at the time. The Modern Temper talks about Jack, an Americanized Jewish entertainer who performed in blackface. The Jazz Singer helps to see how African American and immigrant performers influenced the new culture that the 1920s is known for. One reason people did blackface was because they offered whites a mask to be more expressive than their Victorian norm.²⁸

The Petersburg Index published a newspaper on January 12, 1923, that focused on the whites who died rather than the atrocious massacre that occurred. It stated that the result of the massacre was from the “brutal assault upon a young white woman,” which paints a different picture. In the newspaper article, it lists those who died and puts the two whites first instead of putting the black victims by age and gender. There is a section in the newspaper article titled “Two Whites Shot Dead” with no highlights on the racist reasons.²⁹ 

The Rosewood Massacre is significant for numerous reasons. Black communities before the 1920s, during the 1920s, and beyond have been threatened and destroyed due to racism. We can see repeats in history to current times, where the violence against BIPOC communities is ever-present.

Citations

Footnotes

1. Wikipedia contributors, “Rosewood massacre.” ︎
2. Maxine D. Jones. “The Rosewood Massacre and the Women Who Survived It.” 194. ︎
3. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
4. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
5. Jones, 195. ︎
6. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
7. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
8. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
9. Jones. ︎
10. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
11. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosewood_massacre#/media/File:Rosewood,_Florida_historical_marker_(1).jpg. ︎
12. Jones. ︎
13. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
14. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
15. Jones, 207. ︎
16. Jones, 208. ︎
17. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosewood_massacre#/media/File:Sara_Carrier.jpg. ︎
18. Jones, 207. ︎
19. Jones. ︎
20. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
21. Jones, 193. ︎
22. Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper (Hill and Wang). 9. ︎
23. Wikipedia contributors. ︎
24. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosewood_massacre#/media/File:Rosewood_1923_map_from_Tropic_Magazine.jpg. ︎
25. Dumenil, 9. ︎
26. Dumenil, 81. ︎
27. Dumenil, 81. ︎
28. Dumenil, 81. ︎
29. Newspaper ︎
30. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosewood_massacre#/media/File:Rosewood_Florida_Highway_Marker.jpg. ︎

Bibliography

Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper (Hill and Wang).

Jones, Maxine D. “The Rosewood Massacre and the Women Who Survived It.” The Florida Historical Quarterly 76, no. 2 (1997): 193–208. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30146346.

Wikipedia contributors, “Rosewood massacre,” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Rosewood_massacre&oldid=1219583334.

More Resources

Asante, Molefi Kete. “Litany of Horror: A Survey of Newspaper-Reported Lynchings.” The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education, no. 43 (2004): 116–23. https://doi.org/10.2307/4133570.

Colburn, David R. “Rosewood and America in the Early Twentieth Century.” The Florida Historical Quarterly 76, no. 2 (1997): 175–92. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30146345.

Dye, R. Thomas. “The Rosewood Massacre: History and the Making of Public Policy.” The Public Historian 19, no. 3 (1997): 25–39. https://doi.org/10.2307/3379554.

Edward González-Tennant. “Intersectional Violence, New Media, and the 1923 Rosewood Pogrom.” Fire!!! 1, no. 2 (2012): 64–110. https://doi.org/10.5323/fire.1.2.0064.

Jackson, David H., and Kimberlyn M. Elliott. “African Americans in Florida, 1870-1920: A Historiographical Essay.” The Florida Historical Quarterly 95, no. 2 (2016): 152–93. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44955672.

Newman, Richard. “Rosewood Revisited.” Transition, no. 80 (1999): 32–39. https://doi.org/10.2307/2903166.

Photo Citation: Florida Memory. https://www.floridamemory.com/discover/photographs.

Isabella Apgar

History major and Human Rights and Genocide Studies minor at Ramapo College of New Jersey class of 2025.

Before the fire, Smyrna was a vibrant, diverse city, perhaps the most diverse within modern-day Turkey by the beginning of the 1920s. According to the most recent statistics before the city burned, there were one hundred and sixty-five thousand Turks, one hundred and fifty thousand Greeks, twenty-five thousand Armenians, twenty-five thousand Jews, and twenty thousand foreigners.¹ Compare this to Constantinople’s population, the capital of the Ottoman Empire, from a decade before, which had two hundred seventy nine thousand Muslims, sixty four thousand Greeks, twenty seven thousand Armenians, and 13 thousand Jews.² Smyrna’s demographics resembled those of an American city rather than one that might be part of an ethnic Greek or Turkish state. The city had four quarters: the Turkish/Muslim Quarter, Jewish Quarter, Armenian Quarter, and Greek/European Quarter. Although it would be very common to see all 4 groups outside of their quarters and mingling with each other. There was even a 5th group who resided outside of the city called the Levantines who were descendents of European immigrants that had started to assimilate into Turkish culture.³ 

Once WWI ended everyone knew that Smyrna was going to change hands, but the question was how would each of these groups fit into the state that would control Smyrna next. The Ottoman Empire, the state that governed Smyrna before, was on its last legs and the Greeks had plans to annex Western Turkey. Inside the Ottoman Empire a group of Turkish nationalists called the Young Turks, were becoming very popular and it seemed the Young Turks and the Greeks would soon be on a collision course for Smyrna. The Turks, the Greeks, and maybe even the Armenians knew what each of these states meant for them, but for the Jews it was different. They faced the same questions as the Jews in America during the 1920s: how to balance their Jewish identity with that of their state. Under the Ottoman Empire, Jews were Jews, as it wasn’t a nation-state, but under a Turkish or Greek state it was more complex. In America during the 1920s, Jews found ways to preserve their ethnic identity while embracing Americanization.⁴

The Greeks ended up being the first to make move on Smyrna after WWI ended. The Greeks at the Paris Peace conference of 1919 represented by their Prime Minister, Eleftherios Venizelos, claimed almost all of modern-day Western Turkey that bordered the Aegean Sea on the grounds that it was the historic lands of the Greeks and that many of those places had Greek majority populations. . Then on May 9 at a meeting of the big three Allied Powers, Britain, France, and the United States would decide to allow the Greeks to invade Smyrna to deter the Italians from gaining territory in Asia Minor. David Lloyd George brought up the idea to Venizelos by asking him the simple question of “Do you have troops available?”⁵ This simple question would have obvious consequences that the leaders of the big three all should of known but decided to ignore. By letting the Greeks invade they opened up Pandora’s box and the Greeks, Turks, and Armenians of Anatolia would pay a great price for it.

The Greek Invasion and Occupation of Smyrna

The Greeks invaded Smyrna on the May 15, 1919 and were greeted by the cheers of the Greek population. The Greeks had failed to plan ahead to secure the city though and the month that followed the invasion was chaos. The Greeks started looting the Turkish houses and massacres of both Turks and Greeks were committed. For a month there wasn’t even a Greek General in Smyrna.⁶

The Greek occupation and invasion of Smyrna would only last for about 3 years. The invasion only made the Turk and Greek Nationalists hate each other even more. With Greeks being resettled, Turks being kicked out, and the lower ranks of the military and Greek citizens committing violent acts against the Turks. ⁷ The Greeks decided to keep pushing East but eventually the Turks beat them back and pushed them all the way back to Smyrna. Turkish troops under the command of their nationalist commander, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, ended the Greek occupation of Smyrna on September, 9, 1922. This assured Smyrna and its diverse population that the city would be apart of a future Turkish state. But, a Turkish state was supposed to only include Turks so the question was now what would happen to the Greeks, Armenians, Levantine, and the other non-Turk populations of the city. 4 days later those population would figure out what the new Turkish leaders of the city wanted to do with them.

The Turkish Occupation

The Fire

In the afternoon on September 13, 1922 a small fire broke out in the Armenian quarter in Smyrna. This small fire would end up devouring the entire Greek and Armenians quarters of the city and heavily damaging the general European quarter of the city. This is the 1922 Fire of Smyrna. According to the Minnie Mills of the American Collegiate Institute she saw a Turkish soldier enter the building in the Armenian quarter where the first fire started and then exit with tins that containing fuel. Then soon after many other small fires started. She added that on this day the wind was blowing West away from the Turkish quarter. Mills also said that soon after Armenians start to crowd the streets but the Turks blocked the road and instructed them to go back into their houses. Mrs. King Birge who went to the top of the tower of the American Collegiate Institute also said she saw Turkish soldiers with fuel cans setting fires in the Armenian quarter of Smyrna. When George Horton, the American Consul in Smyrna, looked out his terrace on the afternoon of September 13 he saw a dark cloud of black smoke covering the city. ⁸ The fires in the Armenian quarter were only the beginning of the fire. The fire would spread to the Greek and European quarters and would last for 9 whole days.

The Americans weren’t the only ones to notice Turkish soldiers lighting fire to the Armenian quarter. A firemen who arrived to the scene of the first fire, Sargent Tchorbadjis, testified that he saw a Turkish solider lighting fire to the interior of a drawer in an Armenian house. Another firefighter, Emanuel Kastros, said he saw Turkish soldiers puring drums of petroleum in an Armenian;s house and when asked about it they said their orders were to light fire to the Armenian houses. By 2 PM almost the entire Armenian quarter was in flames and all the residents who didn’t burn in the fire or weren’t murdered by Turkish soldiers crowded the wharf. ⁹ The Armenians were now stuck in a huge crowd between the bay and the giant fire raging behind them. They would wait on the wharf for 9 days while they watched their homes and the city that they called home turn into ashes. The Armenians had lived mostly peacefully in Smyrna for centuries and now the forces that adhered to the foreign ideology of Nationalism had erased all of that history. They forced the Armenians to leave the only place they called home just because they weren’t considered Turks.

On the first day the Armenians weren’t the only ones who were in trouble. The British, the French, and the Americans had to also flee from the European quarter on the first day of the Fire. The Europeans and the Americans though had a safe far away place to retreat to. Any American, French, or British citizen was guaranteed a spot on a battleship of the coast away from the blazing heat and choking black smoke of the fire. For example, some French Catholic fathers from their Church that was on fire to the French Consulate where after that caught fire they were transferred to a French battleship.¹⁰

The Europeans and Americans did have a safe place to go to offshore but on their way there many tried to help the Greek and Armenian refugees. For example, George Horton held 2,000 refugees that consisted of Armenians, Americans, and Greeks. Horton had an American petty officer James Webster along with other American Marines guided Armenian, Greek, and American refugees to the wharf and protected them when Turkish soldiers started shooting at them on their way to the wharf.¹¹ Horton and the other Americans would end up using those same marines to push through the crowd at the wharf to get to the waterfront and leave on a ship.leaving the Another example, is when the French decided to take an Armenian girl and her immediate family onto their battleship after she showed up at the French consulate speaking great French. ¹²

By the end of the first day almost of the Armenians and Europeans had evacuated the city proper and were either stranded on the wharf or sailing back to their home countries. The Armenian and European quarters of the city were in ashes by the end of the day, but for the Greek quarter it was a different story. The Greeks had not totally evacuated the city yet as not the entire quarter was in flames and the Turks had been focusing on the Armenians all day so there were still safe places to hide in the Greek quarter. But, by the next day on September 14 the slight relief the Greeks felt would end. For example, Georgios Tsoubariots, an eleven year old Greek child at the time was hiding with his family in a Greek Church on the 13th but in the morning of the 14th bandits came with knifes and robbed them at knife point. After they fled to the inside of family tomb at a Greek Cemetery. Another Greek family, the Verkine family had survived hiding in their house the first night but on the second day the flames finally caught up to their house and they were forced to flee to the wharf.¹³

The Quay

Almost all of the refugees who were fleeing their burning homes ended up at the quay. The quay was indeed safe from the fire thanks to it being but at the quay there was much more to worry about than just the fire. Horton described the quay as he was sailing away on the night of the 13th as “a narrow water-front covered with a great throng of people-an ever increasing throng”.¹⁴ An even more detailed account by a British eyewitness, Mr Wallace, described the quay as the most tragic sight he ever saw. The quay had no food or water there and was crowded beyond capacity. They were so starved and exhausted that the fire no longer even panicked them. ¹⁵ According to the American vice-consul in the middle of the hunger, thirst, and exhausted refugees were armed Turks with clubs that were going through hitting everyone in sight.¹⁶

By the 19th of September conditions at the quay became even worse. Decaying corpses were spread among the hundreds of thousands of people stranded and disease was rampant thanks to contaminated food and water. The Allies had refused to use their ships in the Smyrna harbor to help the starving masses of refugees. Luckily, thanks to one man’s intense resolve to help the people on the quay they wouldn’t have to say their much longer. This man was Asa Jennings, an employee of Smyrna’s YMCA. Jennings through a combination of bluffing and pure luck had convinced the Greeks to put him in charge of all Greek ships in the Aegean and an American ship to escort them to Smyrna. By morning of September 24 his rescue fleet arrived at the quay.¹⁷

Jennings had made it to Smyrna with a fleet of Greek ships, but getting the ships to come was the easy part comparatively to his next task. There were hundreds of thousands of refugees on the quay who were desperate for help to escape the fire and only a limited amount of ships. The Turkish authorities didn’t make it easy at first for Jennings to rescue them and put severe restrictions on Jennings rescue effort. Eventually the Turkish authorities realized this was how they would get rid of the non-Turks of the new Turkish state and started helping the evacuation effort. All of the living refugees on the quay would be evacuated to Greece where refugees either or used a jumping off point to immigrate to other countries like France, the United States, and Canada.¹⁸

Aftermath

There are conflicting reports on the amount of the shear cost of human life the fire had caused. The lowest estimates of the time from the newspapers said 120,000 people had died. The United States had spent over 95 millions 1922 dollars on relief for the refugees of Smyrna.¹⁹ Later estimates said 100,000 people died while another 100,00 were deported to the interior.²⁰ Newspapers in America and England at the time did talk about the death and destruction, but it was a lot more focused on the American and British destruction that was done. The front page of the Washington Times from September 16, 1922 said in big letters “U.S. Suffers Loss of 15,000,000 in Great Fire Sweeping Smyrna” and under that in small letters they put “300,000 homeless.²¹ The Birmingham Post in England titled their article on December 2, 1924 “£20,000,000 Involved in Insurance Claims. The article was about how an insurance company went to court to have it decide if the fire was an accident or not as his clients were trying claiming it wasn’t an accident to reap the insurance benefits.²² The American, British, and other European governments were pushing the narrative that the Turks started the fire yet here were British businessmen trying to go against all the proof that those governments had stated just so they didn’t have to suffer the loss of property in a place that was in conflict for years before the fire.

At the end of the day the specific human and monetary cost of the damage doesn’t matter. What matters is the Turks purposefully set the fire to purge all the non-Turks from one of the most diverse cities in Asia Minor by almost all accounts of the time. What matters is once the fire ended hundreds of thousands of people were now homeless and kicked out of the only home they ever knew. What matters is that almost the entire cultural history of two populations who lived in Smyrna peacefully for centuries was erased in the matter of weeks. What matters is that Turkish historians still deny today that the Turkish military had any involvement in the fire despite the hundreds of personal accounts of the fire by Greeks, Armenians, and other who say otherwise.

Sadly in Turkey and Greece the animosity between the two populations only grew until the Greco-Turkish war ended with the Treaty of Lausanne and the Convention Concerning the Exchange of Greek and Turkish Populations in 1923. The convention didn’t transfer though just the Greek and Turkish populations in each state like it is popularly thought. The text of the agreement specifically says that Greek Orthodox Christians in Turkey will go to Greece and Muslims in Greece will go to Turkey.²³ There were ethnic Greeks and other ethnicities in Turkey who were Greek Orthodox and Muslims in Greece who weren’t Turkish and so they got caught up in the fight and had to leave their homes. 1.6 million people left their homes and transferred to their new declared countries as said by a bunch of leaders who had not asked them whether they wanted to move or not. The Fire of Smyrna was only a small part and precursor to this much larger conflict.

The Fire of Smyrna and the 1920s

Smyrna before the fire could very much be described as a “melting pot” just like how many people described America in the 20s. Both the people of Smyrna and all of the over the world, especially in America were trying figure whether being a “melting pot” was a good or bad. In the 1920s it was decided in many places including America and Smyrna that this was bad and their countries needed to be more homogenous. The Turks did this with the Fire of Smyrna and the population transfer at the end of it. The Americans did this by enacting immigration legislation and calling for the Americanization of immigrants that were already there.²⁴ The Greeks, Turks, and other ethnicities were also forced with Grecification and Turkification when they arrived in their newly assigned countries. In Greece the refugees were forced to live in poverty in the worst quarter of Athens, but they forged a community there.²⁵ The same was true for American immigrants like Mexicans who lived in poor conditions but forged a community through that.²⁶

Another big theme of the 1920s persistent in the narrative of the Fire of Smyrna was the rise of cooperate power. American and other European corporations had a lot interests in Smyrna as seen by the earlier mentioned news articles. In the 20s it was a popular opinion that business should just be allowed to pursue their interests with as government interference as possible and was favorable towards business in general.²⁷ This explains the context behind why so many foreign newspapers were covering the loss suffered by business in the fire because many people genuinely wanted to know about it and probably thought businesses should be able to recoup their losses from the fire.

Another big theme of the 1920s persistent in the narrative of the Fire of Smyrna was the rise of cooperate power. American and other European corporations had a lot interests in Smyrna as seen by the earlier mentioned news articles. In the 20s it was a popular opinion that business should just be allowed to pursue their interests with as government interference as possible and was favorable towards business in general.²⁷ This explains the context behind why so many foreign newspapers were covering the loss suffered by business in the fire because many people genuinely wanted to know about it and probably thought businesses should be able to recoup their losses from the fire.

Significance

The Fire of Smyrna is just one small example of the many crimes that were committed before and after the Greco-Turkish War by both governments, the consequences of Nationalism, and European intervention. Nationalism was a European invented ideology that had spread to one of the few places in the world where multiple different peoples, ethnicities, and religions had gotten a long for almost a thousand years. All over the Middle East in the post WWI era massacres just the like Fire of Smyrna motivated by Nationalism. Hundreds of thousands of people died then and still die today because Europeans decided to spread the ideology that caused them to fight the biggest and deadliest war to ever be fought in history at the time to the places they colonized and traded with. Massacres like the Fire of Smyrna should not just be used an example of why genocide needs to be prevented, but why Nationalism is a flawed ideology that leads to conflict not peace. Neither the Turks nor the Greeks started the conflict that led up to the Fire of Smyrna, the Europeans started. Its the same for almost every other conflict in the Middle East. One people for one land always leads to crimes like the Fire of Smyrna happening whether that was the intention or not. People need to realize in battles all over the world that the battles they are fighting are not their battles, but the battles foreign nations wanted them to fight. They need stop blaming each other for starting conflicts and instead blame the real culprits, European colonial powers.

The Fire of Smyrna on a Map of Modern Day Izmir

Additional Resources

• Greek Genocide Resource Center provides online access to resources on the atrocities the Ottoman Empire and Turkey committed against from 1914 – 1923.
• Armenian National Institute is a website dedicated to the study of the Armenian Genocide.
• Levantine Heritage Foundation is a website dedicated the study and preservation of the communities in the Levant from the 1600s to the 1900s. The website has a lot of really amazing information about the Greek and Armenian communities in Smyrna before the fire and was one of my main resources when making my map.

Footnotes

1. George Horton, The Blight of Asia: an Account of the Systematic Extermination of Christian Populations by Mohammedans and of the Culpability of Certain Great Powers; with the True Story of the Burning of Smyrna, (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1926), 101. ︎
2. Kemal H. Karpat, Ottoman Population 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics, (Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), 102. ︎
3. ︎
4. Lynn Dumenil, The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s, (New York: Hill and Wang, 1995), 260-262. ︎
5. Michael Llewyn Smith, Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor 1919-1922, (New York: St Martins Press, 1973), 78-81. ︎
6. ︎
7. ︎
8. Horton, Blight of Asia, 144-145. ︎
9. Giles Milton, Paradise Lost: Smyrna 1922: Destruction of a Christian City in the Islamic World, (New York: Basic Books, 2008), 307-309. ︎
10. Ibid, 308. ︎
11. Ibid, 312. ︎
12. Horton, Blight of Asia, 152. ︎
13. Milton, Paradise Lost, 329-332. ︎
14. Horton, Blight of Asia, 152. ︎
15. “Smyrna’s Last Days: A Manchester Man’s Experience” in The Martyrdom of Smyrna and Eastern Christendom: A File of Overwhelming Evidence, Denouncing the Misdeeds of the Turks in Asia Minor and Showing Their Responsibility for the Horrors of Smyrna, ed. Lysimachos, Oeconomos, (Plymouth, UK: The Mayflower Press, 1922), 52-54. ︎
16. Milton, Paradise Lost, 336. ︎
17. Ibid, 354-360. ︎
18. Ibid, 361-373. ︎
19. Horton, The Blight of Asia, 173-175. ︎
20. Milton, Paradise Lost, 373. ︎
21. “US Suffer Loss of $15,000,000 in Great Fire Sweeping Smyrna”, Washington TImes, (Washington D.C., District of Columbia), Sep 16, 1922. ︎
22. “The Law Courts: Sequel to the Great Fire At Smyrna: £20,000,000 Involved in Insurance Claims”, Birmingham Post, (Birmingham, UK), 2 Dec, 1924. ︎
23. Treaty of Lausanne IV: Convention Concerning The Exchange on Greek and Turkish Populations, (Hellenic Resources Network, 1923), ︎
24. Dumenil, The Modern Temper, 203-206. ︎
25. Milton, Paradise Lost, 374. ︎
26. Dumenil, The Modern Temper, 251. ︎
27. Ibid, 32-34. ︎
28. Ibid, 32-34. ︎

Bibliography

• Dumenil, Lynn. The Modern Temper: American Culture and Society in the 1920s. New York: Hill and Wang, 1995.
• Horton, George. The Blight of Asia: An Account of the Systematic Extermination of Christian Populations by Mohammedans and of the Culpability of Certain Great Powers; with a True Story of the Burning of Smyrna. Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1926.
• Karpat, Kemal H. Ottoman Population 1830-1914: Demographic and Social Characteristics. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press, 2000.
• Milton, Giles. Paradise Lost: Smyrna 1922 – The Destruction of Islam’s City of Tolerance. New York: Basic Books, 2008.
• Oeconomos, Lysimachos. The Martyrdom of Smyrna and Eastern Christendom: A File of Overwhelming Evidence, Denouncing the Misdeeds of the Turks in Asia Minor and Showing Their Responsibility for the Horrors of Smyrna. Plymouth, UK: The Mayflower Press, 1922.
• Smith, Michael Llewellyn. Ionian Vision: Greece in Asia Minor, 1919-1922. New York: St Martins Press, 1973.
• The Law Courts: Sequel to the Great Fire At Smyrna: £20,000,000 Involved in Insurance Claims”. Birmingham Post.(Birmingham, UK). 2 Dec, 1924. ︎
• “US Suffer Loss of $15,000,000 in Great Fire Sweeping Smyrna”, Washington Times. (Washington D.C., District of Columbia). Sep 16, 1922.

The great Mississippi flood of 1927 remains one of the most devastating natural disasters in the history of the United States, but more specifically in the southern region. The Mississippi River overflowed and eventually reached unprecedented levels of water rising, causing widespread flooding that affected hundred and thousands of people and led to drastic economic and social consequences that would shake the very core of America. The Mississippi flood reached over 23,000 square miles of land that was submerged in water, displacing over 700,000 people and in the process, killing at least 1,000.

The Flood of 1927 was a result of heavy rainfall that occurred in the Mississippi in April of 1927, although signs of the flood started in January of that year. The Mississippi River is known as one of the largest and most popular river systems in North America, swelled to extreme record levels as a result of the excessive downpour during the spring season. The flooding began in late April and continued into May, affecting many states such as, Arkansa, Missouri, Kansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Louisiana, Mississippi, Oklahoma, Illinois, and Texas. The river breached through the levees system and traveled through vast areas of land, which in turn would cause many people to evacuate and as a result would leave hundreds of thousands of people without a home.

The Flood of 1927 was a build up of poor land management that due to decades of bad practices to help prevent the flood that occurred, which at that time affected a rapid increase in population that lived in urban areas, and lack of infrastructure to control the river’s flow. The levee system was specifically designed to prevent flooding, it was not built to withstand the volume of water that was brought by the heavy rain, which was supposed to prevent disasters like this from occurring. Another element that was a cause of the flooding was the deforestation of the region, it led to increased soil erosion, further exacerbating the flooding. The federal government, was under the leadership of President Calvin Coolidge, who was slow to respond to the disaster that caused widespread flooding, while also causing destruction and hardships for many people during this time. The Flood of 1927 left a hopless impact on the southern United States, affecting millions of people. The people most affected by the flood were the farmers, because the flooding destroyed crops, homes, and infrastructure, and caused a huge economic impact not just on the region, but the entire United States. Many African American communities dealt with heavy racisim and were treated like outcasts, who were already marginalized and living in low-lying areas, that took the brunt of the disaster. The people who were displaced would seek shelter, make shift camps or flee to higher ground just to have some sort of safety from the flooding that ravaged through their towns.

The aftermath of the Mississippi flood of 1927 shined a light on the inequalities and racial disparities that African Americans were forced to face in the United States. Many African Americans were left to fend alone without access to food, water, or medical care, as most of the relief efforts focused on white communities. The federal government’s heavily failed the victims during the flood, but it did a horrific job when it left the African American community to survive without help. The inadequate response to the disaster highlighted these inequalities, as resources were lopsidedly allocated based on race, social, and economical status. In a way, the flood helped showcase just how far behind America was when it came to the treatment of its people (especially African American). The flood in a weird way was just like the racism America would bury on African Americans and pretend like they didn’t exist, just as the flood covered the land that was once visible with grass, streets, and homes.

People

One of the most important people during the Flood of 1927 was Herbert Hoover, who was serving as the Secretary of Commerce. Hoover was in charge of providing and coordinating the federal response to the disaster by President Coolidge to help bring relief to the people most affected by the flood. Despite the slow and initial delays in providing aid, Hoover eventually had enough resources and established the Mississippi River Commission. Hoover would travel through the Mississippi Valley to help raise money for the relief efforts to help start the rebuild of the states affected by the flood. He raised over 17 million dollars (equivalent to 239.50 million today). All of the hard work that Hoover put in to help would not go unrecognized because it was a crucial step, that eventually lead to him being elected as the 31st president of the United States in 1929. Although, many people still claim that Hoover didn’t really help aid the states damaged by the floods, instead gained as much power as possible.

The most important influential figure during the flood was James Eads, a highly regarded engineer who had experience working on many river projects in the Mississippi Valley. James specialized in hydraulic engineering and levee construction, which proved to be priceless and much needed during the crisis. The designs he created made for a much better levees with more strength and it would mitigate the impact of the flooding in certain parts of the river. The contributions that James Eads had on the flood control would help launch the groundwork for future natural disasters that can be prevented to help stop flooding. It also helped provide a much needed safety practices that were once failing to meet quality standards, to help ensure that a disaster like this can be avoided.

The third important figure who emerged during the aftermath of the Flood of 1927 was Robert Russa Moton, was an African American teacher and civil rights activist. Moton was appointed by President Coolidge to lead the Colored Advisory Commission, he was tasked with providing and overseeing relief efforts for African American flood victims. Moton was one of the few people who fought for equal treatment and access to aid for all people, communities, regardless of race. His efforts helped draw much needed attention to the racial inequalities that the flood exposed and paved the way for everyone to take action help start a change in America.

Just like James Eads, Arthur E. Morgan who specialized in flood managment, was an engineer and public administrator who played an important role in shaping water resource policies in the United States, to assist in preventing disaster like floods from taking place. Morgan was the chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority and he would oversee all safety procedures and practices that were taking place in his assigned region. Eventually Morgan would become head of the Public Works Administration, where he implemented major design and ideas to many projects in order to prevent future flooding disasters. Morgan’s visionary approach was ahead of it’s time and would change the way flood control emphasized sustainable practices, as well as have communities being involved, which spearheaded the foundation for modern water management strategies that are still used to this very day.

Technology and Social Justice

The Flood of 1927 is famous for destroying homes, killing thousands, and displacing over a million people from their homes, but it also highlights social justice, as well as environmental concerns. Environmentalists during this time issued the flood as a warning sign of the consequences that unchecked development can cause on when it came to deforestation in vulnerable areas. The key to having a successful operation is by having sustainable land management practices and investments in flood control infrastructure that will help prevent or drastically aid in avoiding disasters in the future. People who fought for social justice have highlighted the racial disparities exposed by the flood, showcasing the need for equality by providing equal help to all people not just a certain race. Relief efforts during this period were unfair and cruel because the government was more concerned about the white community instead of all people who were affected.

The flood allows to focus on future developments related to flood management and being able to plan for disasters in a timely manner. That will be crucial and critical in preventing future events that can cause devastating effects. Through the many years of advances in technology, there are much better practices in place to help mitigate such disasters than ever before, but it doesn’t mean that it can’t happen again. Technology uses equipment such as remote sensing which can help detect early warning signs when something seems off or is in the territory of causing destruction, which in turn can lead to using predictive modeling in order to better prepare for a disaster that is going to occur. There needs to be substantial urban planning when it comes to flooding because urban areas are at the most risk when it comes to flood zones. Additionally, having community engagement and more government involvement or funding that would be an essential step in developing resilient communities that can withstand natural disasters, while also being able to adapt in any circumstance.

Timeline

• April 15, 1927 – Flooding starts to occur and leaves and its tributaries can’t withstand anymore of the downpour, leading to widespread devastation with water covering miles of land and destroying everything in its path.
• April 16, 1927 – President Calvin Coolidge appoints Herbert Hoover to oversea the disaster caused by the flooding, while also bringing federal aid to the communities.
• April – May 1927 – Engineers from the army corp were called upon to help reinforce levee systems, as well as the national guard who was called upon to provide emergency services and rescue operations for flood victims, while also providing them with aid.
• May 1927 – Floodwaters began to recede, which showed the effects of the devastation it left behind, and the focus switched to helping people get aid, shelter or medical assistance to the effected communities.
• June 1927 – Repair efforts were on the way to help rebuild communities which was supported by federal funding assistance and many charitable organizations.
• Summer – Fall 1927 – Reconstruction of the communities would continue and a new levee system was being built to prevent future flooding with the help of a few renowned engineers.

Significance

The 1920s also known as “the roaring twenties” was a time where culture was changing, the economy was booming, jazz music was at its peak, companies created new products such as washing machines and radios, and women were become independent. Even though the 1920s is known as one of the best decades America has ever seen, it still came with many flaws. Social justice was none existent during this time except for a few brave civil rights activists who fought for African American rights. When the flood occurred it showcased just how poorly the African community was being treated, and were the last one’s to receive aid from the government causing hardships and isolation for people of color. Since this time we have come along way as a nation with everyone being equal, sure there needs to be some more changes, but this is a significant sign we are headed in the right direction for people of all races. Even though the economy was booming the late 1920s, it would take a hit because of the flooding that took place. Many farmers during this time lost their livelihood’s because their land and crops had been destroyed. This is significant because even during the most recent disasters, the economy will most likely take a hit because of the relief effort and the massive funding needed to help rebuild many communities that are effected by such floods. This leads us to environment awareness because before the flood occurred, cities were not taking proper steps to ensure land management which in turn lead to thousand of lives being lost and millions losing their homes. The flood helped show how important it is to be prepared, have a plan, improve technology and build better infrastructures to help prevent flooding. We see the significant role environmental awareness plays in our society today, even world leaders spend millions upon millions to help fight the battle of global warming, but more importantly we see the policies and changes America has made for it’s people to be united, as well as make drastic changes to help be prepared to fight or prevent natural disasters that might occur in the future.

Resources

Anon. The Mississippi Flood of 1927 -. https://www.mshistorynow.mdah.ms.gov/issue/the-mississippi-flood-of-1927.

The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. 2009. Mississippi River flood of 1927 | Description & Facts. Encyclopedia Britannica. 11. February. https://www.britannica.com/event/Mississippi-River-flood-of-1927.

National Guard. The Great Flood of 1927.

 Anon. A retreat fit for a president – Lesson 1.

NOLA.com. 2016. 1927 Mississippi River flood in rare vintage film. Video. YouTube. 15. March. 

Thornton, Mark. 2020. Katrina and the Great Flood of 1927. Mises Institute. 21. December. 

Anon. Arthur Morgan. Dayton Innovation Legacy. 

The Tulsa Race Massacre or Tulsa Race Riot is a tragic event in American history that occurred on May 31, 1921, to June 1, 1921. The exact cause of the event is a topic of contention, but on May 30th of 1921 a black man named Dick Rowland entered an elevator, when he got out the city of Tulsa was changed. After events transpired, a massive riot broke out where a white mob razed the black neighborhoods of Tulsa. Businesses and residential buildings were brought to ashes in less than 48 hours and Federal Government officials had to take charge,

May 30th, 1921

On May 30th, a shoe shiner named Dick Rowland entered the Drexel Building, his intentions remain unknown but he did interact with the elevator operator.  Shortly after Rowland left the elevator rumors spread of Dick Rowland forcing himself upon the elevator operator Sarah Page. Since Sarah Page was white and Rowland was an African American, outrage sparked in Tulsa among the white citizens.  As more and more people were informed of the alleged incident, details were muddied and accusations become more heinous than the last. It is uncertain what happened between the two individuals in the elevator, but what was certain was that Dick Rowland’s life was in danger. 

May 31st, 1921 

The following day police took Dick Rowland into custody and questioned him on the alleged assault. While he was in police custody, rumors of a lynch mob forming to kill Dick Rowland spread through the city like wildfire, which accelerated tensions between the African American and white communities. An armed group of nearly 100 black men, descended on the courthouse to protect Rowland. Once reaching the courthouse the group was turned back by the sheriff who tried to reassure them that Rowland was safe in police custody. The group had little to no confidence in the sheriff, due to a man being lynched a year prior while being in police custody. The sheriff did fortify the courthouse, he set up six of his men on the roof armed with long guns, disabled the power to the elevator, and erected barricades. 

Upon seeing groups of armed black men in the streets, bigoted residents went home to retrieve their own personal firearms. Near the courthouse, an armory belonging to the US National Guard was stocked full of rifles, and an estimated 400 angry white citizens made a plan to arm themselves with them. Fearing an attack, the National Guard locked down the armory and threatened to open fire on anyone who came close to the building, this display of force made the rioters quickly reconsider. Over 2000 angry rioters were outside the courthouse and wanted to harm Rowland. Around 10 PM the white mob reconvened while armed at the courthouse,  that’s when chaos broke out leading to the deaths of 12 people. A white man tried disarming a black World War 1 veteran, during the physical struggle, the firearm went off. The single gunshot erupted into a volley of fire, as protestors protecting Rowland and rioters there to harm him began engaging with one another. By the end of the shootout, 10 white people and two black people were slain. The angry white mob, furious and anxious over what they viewed as a possible “Race War” quickly escalated the situation by committing arson and burning black-owned businesses. The black men that offered security to the sheriff had to retreat while underfire to Greenwood, a predominantly black neighborhood. While all this was going down, the National Guard was drawing up plans on how to subdue the rioters and a contingent of white citizens remained at the courthouse, threatening to kill Rowland. 

June 1st, 1921

As the night progressed into the morning, sporadic skirmishes were still occurring especially near the Frisco train line. The Frisco train line was a redlining boundary, where many blacks lived. Around 1 AM fires started to rage through downtown Greenwood, destroying businesses, while the Tulsa Fire Department did everything in its power to combat the flames, many lost their way of life. Even the white firefighters weren’t safe from the fury of the hateful mob, with firetrucks being forced to turn back at gunpoint, by those who started the fire. By sunlight, over a dozen black-owned businesses were lost. Around 5 AM a train whistle sounded and many of the white mob took this as a signal to launch an all-out assault on the Greenwood neighborhood. Although the african american community defended their homes with everything at their disposal, the firepower was too immense. By daybreak most of Greenwood was evacuated, some left by choice others were annexed out of their own neighborhoods. Even more shocking was that it wasn’t just gunfire, but aerial attacks too! There were local reports of multiple aircraft circling over Greenwood Ave, these planes were sources of small arms fire and even incendiary explosives. There were even unconfirmed reports of machine guns being fixed onto planes and firing down on the crowds. Government officials claimed that the planes were there for aerial reconnaissance of a possible “black uprising” and denied the use of force.

Around 9 AM the National Guard arrived in Tulsa and at 11 AM martial law was in effect. By noon most of the violence was ceased, but there were still pockets of violence. 

Casualties and Aftermath 

The number of people that perished during the Tulsa Race Massacre is unknown and highly debated. At first, estimates ranged from 20-150, but now it’s widely accepted amongst scholars that possibly over 300 people lost their lives in those horrifying 48 hours. The massacre received national coverage, but many facts remained hidden from public knowledge up until recently. There are reports of mass graves and in November 2022 they found an unmarked grave with over 20 bodies buried. This is an unspoken horrifying event that happened a little over 100 years ago, there is still much research to be done about the outlying effects this event had on not just Tulsa but neighboring communities as well. On the 100th anniversary of the massacre, President Joe Biden delivered a speech, talking about the racial injustice that happened and that still occurs in America to this day.

Work Cited

Hirsch, J. S. (2002). Riot and remembrance: The Tulsa race war and its legacy. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.
Tulsa Historical Society and Museum. (n.d.). 1921 Tulsa Race Massacre. Retrieved from https://www.tulsahistory.org/exhibit/1921-tulsa-race-massacre/

Oklahoma Tribune. (1921, June 1). Trouble Flares at Tulsa, Oklahoma. Newspapers.com

jbennis

Joe is a Sophomore at Ramapo and a Global Communications major enrolled in Discovering Digital History.